March 7, 2013
“How do we characterize or categorize the people of Shahbag? Who are the people of Shahbag? … What is the class character of this group, what excites or drives this group? Who they were during different periods of our history- how they were represented during different historical milestone of Bangladesh.”
© Arif Hafiz
February 24, 2013
While describing Shahbag Square movement, frequent references are being made to Tahrir Square, the site of recent anti -autocratic movement in Egypt. However, although there are more similarities, Shahbag has not yet been discussed in reference to the famous Tiananmen Square movement of 1989 in China. The reason of missing Tiananmen reference may be two pronged. One, in ultra-short memory span of the minds of the analysts of Shahbag Square movement, an event of 1989 is not much distinct now. (more…)
February 14, 2013
1983. February 14. Shahbag moar, Dhaka.
Students of Dhaka University gathered for a large scale protest. Their demands were 1. Postpone anti people education policy, 2. Free all jailed students and 3. Restore democracy.
Police opened indiscriminate fire at the protesters. Five students – Zafar, Dipali Saha, Jainal, Mozammel and Ayub – were killed instantly in police firing.
(more…)
December 5, 2012
December 5 — does it sound any significant? Is it a special day? Ask 10,000 people in the streets of Dhaka — I bet you will hardly find one who will be able to recall any event to make December 5 special in the history of Bangladesh. Bangladesh has a very vibrant TV channel culture– all owned by private businesses. Those TV’s will make a mountain out of a molehill on every single significant and insignificant occasion. Yet they will not speak a line to remind the country of an event that took place on December 5.
(more…)
September 15, 2012
Awami League political stalwart Tofael Ahmed and center left political icon Rashed Khan Menon declined a recent offer to be ministers for the last year of Awami League Government. Although some media reporting were laced with a strong element of surprise, there in fact should not be any surprise in this decision.
For Tofael and Menon, the decision was very easy. Although they risked alienating the all powerful elected dictator of the country — Sheikh Hasina and they made their re-election process a tad difficult — they earned much more long term dividends with this decision. First,they know very clearly that being a minister does not guarantee or even facilitate re-election if a fair election is allowed to happen under an anti-incumbency wave.
And then, As the current trend goes, i.e. it is very stylish to curse two major political party leaders and demand a 3rd political ( or even non political force) — Tofael and Menon just earned bumper scores in their resume to be considered for a any future 3rd ( political or non political) force front leader job. And in a phenomenon of reciprocity, while Tofael- Menon gain 3rd force credibility, 3rd force also gains traction with more credible 3rd force leadership contenders.
June 6, 2012
I guess Humayn Ahmed’s upcoming novel “deyal” is going to win the distinction of second most talked about ‘book-in-writing’. ( I give it second place because for hype about a ‘not-yet-written’ novel, the top place all time in the history Bangla literature will unsurpassably remain with Tahmima Anam and her novel ‘A Golden Age’, ever). Dozen of articles and op-eds have already been published in several Bangladeshi outlets ( but nothing compared to New York Times, Guadian, NPR reviews and dozens of TV interviews of Tahmima Anam gave including BBC radio even before her first ever novel was published). Even this obscure blogger tried to write an amateurish piece in BDNews 24.com opinion page. The full piece is reproduced for AlalODulal readers across the fold.
But on the side of the fold let’s share with you one reader’s comment about the piece. The reader commented,
Humayun Ahmed has received so much help, financial assistance, and favors from the current government that he probably feels obligated to pay off some his debt, which is fine except he shouldn’t try to call his novel a piece of literature. He should, if he is honest, put the testimonial at the beginning of his novel that it is his way of paying off his debt to this government.
As the reader rightfully questions the literature value of this upcoming novel and our court and the government remains very concerned about the historical value, this blogger sees the novel as the litmus test for intellectual honesty of author-film maker Humayun Ahmed.
Complete piece is over the fold.
November 7, 2011
When President Ziaur Rahman was killed, he was only 45. But within this short life span he contributed enormously to Bangladesh. His catalytic role in initiating the mass revolt among Bengali members of the armed-forces after the brutal military crackdown of 25th March 1971, and his contribution as a military leader of Bangladesh’s war of independence distinguishes him as one of our top national heroes. Zia’s post independence role in building modern Bangladesh brick-by-brick by revamping all sectors starting from mutiny-ridden ‘broken-chain-of-command’ military, to her global image, to initiation of open-market-economy, are enough to immortalize him.
Yet, Ziaur Rahman’s lasting legacy will be his contribution to give the people of Bangladesh an identity — ‘Bangladeshi’ — that is inclusive of all the races, ethnic groups and religions. This identity emanates from Zia’s political philosophy of Bangladeshi nationalism, which was embraced very enthusiastically by an overwhelming majority of Bangladeshis. The political philosophy of ‘Bangladeshi Nationalism’ was expressed as his forward looking, conciliatory, inclusive and tolerant modus-operandi of nation building.
In an orientation session for the newly-elected BNP members of the 2nd Parliament, Zia explained Bangladeshi nationalism the following way,
“Now the question is, what is nationalism? If we study history of the world, we will see rise of different sorts of nationalism at different times and places. In this regard, first comes ‘racial’ or ethnic identity based nationalism. Arab or German nationalisms are prime examples of this kind of nationalism. German nationalism is based on Arian race. Hitler might not have talked about German nationalism if after World War I; parts of Germany were not occupied and shared by states like Britain, France and Poland. This act prompted Hitler to promote race based German nationalism. And we all know of Arab nationalism. … The late president of Egypt, Mr. Jamal Abdul Nasser was able to give a significant shape to Arab nationalism. Arab nationalism still exists and stands tall proudly with all other races in the world.
Next comes language-based nationalism. The slogan of Bengali nationalism is built on this philosophy. And for this reason, Awami League still dreams of establishing Bengali nationalism.
And then Muslim League, IDL and the Jamaatis talk about religion based nationalism. At the beginning of this century, Jamal Uddin Afghani preached Pan Islamic nationalism; the spirit of religion-based nationalism originates from that pan-Islamism. To be frank, since inception of Pakistan, Bangladesh was exploited and ruled in the name of this religion-based nationalism. But the ‘politics of exploitation‘ in the name of Islamic Nationalism could not keep Pakistan intact. Independent-sovereign Bangladesh was born.
Politics can be based on regional identity also, thus creating a new regional nationalism. In this regard we can mention the name of EEC (European Economic Commission). EEC has her own parliament i.e. the European Parliament. Many EEC countries are not even connected via land, yet they were able to bring forth new spirit and new idea of cooperation among themselves. They are collectively trying to give themselves a distinct identity as Europeans. Broadly one can assume that they are moving towards a new nationalistic identity.
War can be the base of nationalism too. But that is not a ‘compulsory’ or essential pre-requisite of nationalism.
Bangladeshi nationalism is based on all of the above components of nationalism…. We have ethnic heritage, a rich language and religious tradition. We all live in a single important geographic location. We have the dream of building a new economic order. And the blood-drenched spirit of our war of independence motivates us all. Presence of so many nationalistic elements is unprecedented in one nation’s identity.
When people say that Bangladeshi nationalism is not embracing religion, they are wrong. Religious identity and fidelity to faith is a great and historic trait of Bangladeshi nation. It has been mentioned in the Holy Quran that ” La Iqra Fidweene“, ‘religion should not be forcefully imposed’. Hence Bangladeshi nationalism is neither religion based nor religion averse. This nationalism ensures each and everyone’s faith and religious rights. And Bangladeshi nationalism is also not a purely language based nationalism. …
The philosophy of Bangladeshi Nationalism has ‘absorption power‘ and ‘elbow room.” [Translated into English from original Bangla speech by the author.]
Zia responded to the call of Bangbandhu to take up arms and lead the fight for Bangalee nationalism. But in an independent Bangladesh, he understood the need for an inclusive nationalistic identity for people of erstwhile East Bengal / East Pakistan who are predominantly religious Muslims Bangalees but very tolerant and accommodating to the rights of non-Muslims and or non-Bangalee ethnic groups.
Even today, over 30 years after his death, changes in Bangladesh constitutional framework initiated by Zia has been the basis of governance in Bangladesh. Zia re-introduced multi party democracy and press freedom back to Bangladesh. Thanks to some activist judges and an overwhelming parliamentary majority of currently ruling Awami League, a big push is being made to remove Ziaur Rahman initiated changes in the constitution of Bangladesh. Despite all the vicious attacks on late President Ziaur Rahman from the highest levels of the government, Zia introduced constitutional changes enjoy enormous public support and it is very likely that practically most of his changes will remain in the constitution. This is the ultimate success of Ziaur Rahman’s political philosophy, Bangladeshi nationalism.
June 7, 2011
I never saw real Azam Khan in action. I listened to his songs hundreds to thousands of times, but never live in his trademark style performance. It was mid 80s when I started hitting concert venues in Dhaka and Chittagong and began following Bangla pop scene. Although his songs were the most demanded songs in all concerts, Azam Khan the person was a matter of past by that time.
Until Azam Khan was rediscovered by our content thirsty media and icon thirsty merchants a few years ago, he was a man in oblivion — lost from the music scenario. We all know of his performances in early 70s, but no one really tell us when and how Azam Khan went AWOL from Dhaka rock scene.
Thanks to corporate TV, the Azam Khan we saw was the skeleton of the Azam we knew of. This Azam Khan no longer could sing. His bohemian image with long beard and hair smoking hasish was not there anymore.
This Azam Khan was a middle aged man struggling to make ends meet in a low middle class neighborhood in Kamalapur area of Dhaka. It was a broken health lungi clad man going to local kacha bazaar with a gunny sack. It was the home his father built, single story. There was never any good furniture at home to give TV interview or pose for photojournalists . Every time any TV crew, photo journalist would go to see him, he would take them to his roof top.
Azam Khan was very unprepared to deal with sudden media attention on him. He did not have prepared fake answers to fake questions of journalists.
Journalist: ” How did you find the inspiration to compose the legendary song ” Ore Saleka Ore maleka? ”
Azam Khan: “পাড়ার বন্ধু রা ছাদের মধ্যে বইসা ফাইজলামি করতাছিলাম — এমনে এমনেই গানটা চইলা আইল আর কি…”
Journalist: ” How do you feel when people call you Guru”.
Azam Khan: “মেজাজ খারাপ হইত. এই গুরু গুরু এইটা আবার কি. আরে আজাম ভাই ক. এখন গা সইয়া গ্যাছে”
When he tried to answer the way journalists wanted, it was very clear he was out of words, he was very uncomfortable.
Journalist: “You fought our war of liberation. Now again you are also fighting another war. What and how is your new war?”
Azam Khan: ” হ যুদ্ধ — আমার এইটা হইতাছে নুতন একটা যুদ্ধ , এই যুদ্ধ টা হইতাছে গিয়ে আমার নুতন যুদ্ধ. হ এইটা আমার … এই যে বুজছেন না… এইটা আমার .. হইতাছে নুতন যুদ্ধ. এই যে সব কিছু … এইটাই নুতন যুদ্ধ”
His stage performances in recent years were more painful to watch. He lost his voice long ago. Corporate TV would make fun of him by forcing him to do dance moves those would at best be caricature of his old self of 70s. He unsuccessfully would try to go back to 1972 again. But that was never to happen.
To sell their products, big corporations needed Azam Khan craze that runs from generation to generation. They made the best merchant like use of Azam Khan’s ever green songs, ever green ever living popularity.
Our corporate culture could have support him financially. They did not have to abuse him for their commercials.
And why I blame the corporates. What the state did to him? While all the sycophants bite each other to grab swadhinota podok, Ekushey Podok, Bangla Academy podok— Azam Khan gets no national recognition in his lifetime.
Azam Khan’s songs will outlive all of our generations and next hundreds of generations to come. The legends of Azam Khan the father of Bangladesh rock scene will never die. The singer Azam Khan died many years ago, some times in late 70s. The man who was very uncomfortable carrying the body so long just gave away.
I am not too sad at the departure of the legend. I am sad at his sufferings of last decades. And I am happy that the new generations, even a 12 year old kid embraced Azam Khan song exactly the way his/ her dad- grand dad did.
Long Live Azam Khan.
May 27, 2011
“The greater number is generally composed of men of sluggish tempers, slow to act . . . they are unwilling to take early and vigorous measures for their defense, and they are almost always caught unprepared. . . .A smaller number, more expedite, awakened, active, vigorous and courageous, make amends for what they want in weight by their superabundance of velocity.’” — Edmund Burke
May 30 will be the 30th anniversary of the death of Ziaur Rahman. In March 1971, he had been one of the many junior Bengali officers in the Pakistani Army, junior to individuals like Brigadier Majumdar and Lt. Col. M. R. Chowdhury. Four years later, in November 1975, he was the Deputy Chief of Staff of the Bangladeshi Army, held in house-arrest as jets flew over Bangabhaban and Khaled Musharraf and Abu Taher played out their deadly game of thrones. In six more years, on the eve of his death, he was the President of Bangladesh.
In contrast to the lilliputs in uniform who followed him and aspired to be him, Zia never tried to overthrow a civilian government. The political party he founded, BNP, is alive and well, itself a minor miracle. Three times, BNP has formed a government by election; three times, it has had to face a coup by some parts of the military and civilian bureaucracy aimed at ejecting it from power. It is again winning elections, even after being subjected to the most intense program of repression that we have seen in post-1990 Bangladesh.
There is no need to rush and set down Zia’s legacy in stone; generations of future Bangladeshis (Zia’s term) will get to do so themselves. Suffice to say that history is unlikely to be unkind to him. Did he leave Bangladesh a more democratic state than he found it? Did he leave Bangladesh’s economy in better shape than he found it? Did he leave Bangladesh’s military force more organized and less rebellious than he found it? If the answers to these questions are yes, then his place is already assured.
Two hundred and twenty-four years before Zia’s death, the 50,000-strong army of the Nawab of Begal was defeated by 750 soldiers of the East India Company, and the world’s richest province disappeared into a morass of darkness. In March 1971, 100,000 Pakistanis tried to repeat history. That the Pakistanis failed, and Bangladesh emerged, was due to men and women like Ziaur Rahman, who acted in those fateful hours, as he lived his life, with a superabundance of velocity.
March 27, 2011
When the lionization of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the first priority of this government, one would expect that the stock of Kader Siddiqui, one of the few men who took up arms after the 1975 massacre, would be very high. Unfortunately, Siddiqui broke with Sheikh Hasins during the last Awami Lwague government. On 1 March, 2011, our Anti-Corruption Commission filed a case against him for amassing illegal wealth. About three weeks afterwards, Kader Siddiqui responded by saying that Ziaur Rahman was indeed the person who declared Bangladesh’s independence, while Sheikh Majib was the Father of the Nation and the indisputed leader of the Liberation War. As expected, this caused a lot of consternation in pro-government circles. On the eve of our Independence Day, he responded to his critics. Some excerpts are given below; the full article is here.
On Khandakar Delwar Hossain and the Change in Our Political Climate:
দুইদিন আগেও যারা তার কত নাহক সমালোচনা করেছেন, কত অপমান অপদস্ত করেছেন তারাই যখন তার মরদেহে ফুলমালা দিলেন, শতকণ্ঠে প্রশংসা করলেন, তখন আমার অন্তর আত্মা কেঁপে কেঁপে উঠছিল। ভাবছিলাম নেতৃবৃন্দের কোন কথা সত্য? ফুলমালা দেওয়ার পর শতমুখে প্রশংসা, না মৃত্যুর আগের দিনগুলোতে হাজার কণ্ঠে নিন্দা-অযৌক্তিক সমালোচনা? তবে আমার খুবই ভালো লেগেছে মরদেহের পাশে আওয়ামী লীগ সাধারণ সম্পাদক সৈয়দ আশরাফুল ইসলামের সভ্য ভাষণ। তার বাবা সৈয়দ নজরুল ইসলামের সঙ্গে খোন্দকার দেলোয়ার রাজনীতি করেছেন। তারপরও কেন যেন দুঃখ হয়, তার জীবিতকালে চিফ হুইপ থাকতে সংসদের টাকা নিয়ে বাড়িতে বাজার করেছেন, চিকিৎসার জন্য তহবিল তছরুপ করেছেন। এসব অভিযোগ না আনলে কি হতো না? কেন জানি না আমরা রাজনীতিবিদরাই রাজনীতিবিদদের প্রধান শত্রু। তাদের বড় বেশি অপমান-অপদস্ত করি। এক আমলা আরেক আমলাকে রক্ষা করতে কত চেষ্টাই না করে। কিন্তু এক রাজনীতিবিদ আরেক রাজনীতিবিদকে সব সময় খতম করতে চায়। অনেক মিথ্যা অভিযোগে বিরোধী রাজনীতিকদের জেলে পাঠিয়ে কি হেনস্থাই না করা হয়। অথচ স্বাধীনতার পর খান এ সবুর খান যখন বঙ্গবন্ধুকে চিঠি দিয়েছিলেন ‘ভাই মজিবর, তুমি দেশ স্বাধীন করেছ, আজ তুমি প্রধানমন্ত্রী। আমরা না হয় ভুলই করেছি। তাই বুড়ো বয়সে জেলে থাকবো?’ চিঠি পাওয়ার তিন-চার দিনের মধ্যে খান এ সবুর খানকে নিঃশর্ত মুক্তি দিয়েছিলেন। শাহ আজিজুর রহমান, তিনি যখন জেলে ওবায়দুর রহমান ও আমাকে দিয়ে শাহ আজিজের বাড়ির ভাড়া পাঠাতেন। সালাউদ্দিন কাদের চৌধুরীর বাবা ফজলুল কাদের চৌধুরী যখন জেলে ছিলেন তখন তার বাড়ি থেকে খাবার পাঠাতে কোনো দিন কোনো বাধা হয়নি। আলাউদ্দিন মতিন, হক-তোয়াহা সাহেবরা যখন পালিয়ে থাকতেন তাদেরও গোপনে টাকা পাঠাতেন। ধীরে ধীরে আজ কোথায় গেল সেসব রাজনৈতিক সহমর্মিতা। খোন্দকার দেলোয়ার হোসেনের মৃত্যুর পর এত প্রশংসা যারা করলেন, তারা তার জীবিতকালে অমন সীমাহীন জঘন্য সমালোচনা না করলেই কি পারতেন না? আজ যারা গলা ফাটিয়ে কথা বলেন তারা কিন্তু ওয়ান-ইলেভেনের জরুরি অবস্থার সময় ইঁদুরের গর্তে লুকিয়ে ছিলেন। সেদিন এই খোন্দকার দেলোয়ারই একজন নির্ভীক রাজনীতিবিদের মতো সিংহের তেজে মাঠে ময়দানে ছিলেন। তার নিজের দল বিএনপিতেও তিনি কম অপমানিত-লাঞ্ছিত হননি।
On Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Ziaur Rahman:
আমি মনে করি, বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিব মানে বাংলাদেশ, বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিব মানে স্বাধীনতা। তিনি স্বাধীনতার ঘোষক নন, স্বাধীনতার জনক। এখানে দোষের কি হলো? সেদিন বঙ্গবন্ধুর পক্ষে অনেকেই স্বাধীনতার ঘোষণা দিয়েছেন। জিয়াউর রহমানও দিয়েছেন। সামরিক ব্যক্তি ছিলেন বলে জিয়াউর রহমানের কণ্ঠে স্বাধীনতার আহ্বান মানুষকে অনেক বেশি উজ্জীবিত করেছে। এটাই সত্য। আমি তো জিয়াউর রহমানকে চিনতামও না, তার ঘোষণায় যুদ্ধেও যাইনি। অনেক আগে থেকেই যুদ্ধ প্রক্রিয়ায় জড়িত ছিলাম। কিন্তু সেদিন জিয়াউর রহমানের ঘোষণায় কমবেশি আমিও উজ্জীবিত হয়েছিলাম। শুধু আমি কেন, আমাদের অনেক বড় নেতাও সে সময় খুশি হয়েছিলেন। তানাহলে কলকাতার বালিগঞ্জের স্বাধীন বাংলা বেতার কেন্দ্র থেকে কেন জিয়াউর রহমানের ঘোষণা পুরো মুক্তিযুদ্ধের সময় নিয়মিতভাবে প্রচার করা হতো। এমআর আখতার মুকুলের কণ্ঠে চরমপত্রে কাদেরিয়া বাহিনীর গাবুর মাইর আর জিয়াউর রহমানের কণ্ঠে ‘I Major Zia do hear by declare independence of Bangladesh on behalf of our great national leader Bangobandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman প্রতিদিন কেন বাজানো হতো। জিয়াউর রহমানের সেই ঘোষণা ‘our great national leader’ না বলে শুধু বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান বা বঙ্গবন্ধু বললে কিংবা শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান বললে কোনো ক্ষতি হতো না। অশুদ্ধ হতো না। কিন্তু সেদিন বঙ্গবন্ধুর উচ্চতা কতখানি ছিল তার সেদিনের সেই হাইট বুঝা যায় জিয়াউর রহমানের কণ্ঠে Our great national leader বলায়। এখানে গ্রেট না বলে শুধু ন্যাশনাল বললে বাক্যের কোনো ক্ষতি হতো না। কিন্তু সত্যিকার অর্থে সে সময় বঙ্গবন্ধু যা ছিলেন জিয়াউর রহমান তাই বলেছেন। কোনো কমবেশি করেননি। করার উপায়ও ছিল না। যারা এখনো স্বাধীনতাকে স্বীকার করতে চান না তাদের কাউকেও যদি ওই সময় বেতার কেন্দ্রে নিয়ে যাওয়া হতো তাহলে তিনিও জিয়াউর রহমানের মতো একই কথা বলতেন। একসময় নবাব সিরাজ উদদৌলা তার ভাঁড় গোলাম হোসেনকে বলেছিলেন, ‘তুমি মনে করো নবাবের বান্দা যা বুঝে আমি নবাব হয়ে তাও বুঝি না? কিন্তু কি করবো গোলাম হোসেন? কোনো উপায় নেই, উপায় নেই গোলাম হোসেন।’ সত্যিকার অর্থে আজ যে যাই বলুক, ‘৭১-এ বঙ্গবন্ধুকে ছাড়া আমাদের কারোরই কিছু বলার বা করার উপায় ছিল না।জিয়াউর রহমানের ঘোষণা কেন স্বাধীন বাংলা বেতার কেন্দ্র থেকে মুক্তিযুদ্ধের সময় প্রচার করা হতো? জিয়াউর রহমানের তো স্বাধীন বাংলা বেতার কেন্দ্রের উপর কোনো প্রভাব বা নিয়ন্ত্রণ ছিল না। বেতার কেন্দ্রটি ছিল সরকারের নিয়ন্ত্রণে। আর সেটা পরিচালনা করতেন আমাদের টাঙ্গাইলের জননেতা আব্দুল মান্নান এমএনএ। স্বাধীনতার ঘোষক নিয়ে আমি তো এত মাতামাতির কোনো কারণ দেখি না। জিয়াউর রহমানের ঘোষণার রেকর্ড সবতো আর মুছে ফেলা যায়নি, এখনো তা রয়েছে। বাজিয়ে শুনুন না। তাতেই প্রমাণ হয়ে যাবে। আমি তাকে ঘোষক বললেই জিয়াউর রহমান ঘোষক হবেন, আমি না বললে হবেন না_ তা কি করে হয়? দেশের জনকের পক্ষে বা বঙ্গবন্ধুর পক্ষে জিয়াউর রহমানের কণ্ঠে একটা ঘোষণা যে উচ্চারিত হয়েছিল যা বারবার প্রচার হয়েছে তা কালের সাক্ষী হয়ে আমিও শুনেছি। সেটা চোখ কান বন্ধ করে অস্বীকার করি কি করে? আজ কোনো স্বার্থের কারণে অস্বীকার করলে পরম প্রভু দয়ালু আল্লাহ তো আমাকে ক্ষমা করবে না
On the current government:
কেন ক্ষমা চাইতে হবে? মুক্তিযুদ্ধ করে বড় বেশি অন্যায় করে ফেলেছি? স্বাধীনতার সঙ্গে সঙ্গে জনকের পায়ের কাছে সব অস্ত্র জমা দিয়ে ভুল করেছি? বঙ্গবন্ধুর লাশ যখন ধানমন্ডি ৩২-এর বাড়ির সিঁড়িতে পড়েছিল, তখন জীবন-যৌবন বিসর্জন দিয়ে মা-বাবা, ভাই-বোনের কথা চিন্তা না করে তাদের বন্দুকের নলের মুখে ফেলে সেই হত্যার প্রতিবাদ করে ১৬ বছর নির্বাসনে থেকে এখনো বেঁচে থেকে কি খুব অপরাধ করেছি? মাফ চাইতে বলছেন। আমার নামে অভিযোগটা কি? জাতির সামনে অভিযোগ আনেন। জাতি বিচার করুক তখন দেখা যাবে কাদের মাফ চাইতে হয়। বঙ্গবন্ধুর চামড়া দিয়ে যারা ডুগডুগি বাজাতে চেয়েছে, জুতা বানাতে চেয়েছে, বঙ্গবন্ধুকে যারা ফেরাউন বলেছে, যারা খুনি মোস্তাকের মুখ্য সচিব ছিল তাদের বগলতলে নিয়ে অত বড় বড় কথা শোভা পায় না। আমি অবশ্যই বলেছি বঙ্গবন্ধু কখনো স্বাধীনতার ঘোষক নন। তার স্বাধীনতা ঘোষণা দেওয়ার কোনো প্রয়োজনই ছিল না। তার অনেক ঘোষক ছিল। আমরা থাকতে তার কি দরকার ছিল? আজ রাষ্ট্রের কর্তৃত্ব কার দ্বারা নিয়ন্ত্রিত হয়? সরকার প্রধান মাননীয় প্রধানমন্ত্রীর কর্তৃত্ব ও নেতৃত্বে রাষ্ট্রপতির নামে পরিচালিত হয়। মাননীয় প্রধানমন্ত্রীর প্রায় সব কয়টি কেবিনেট মিটিংয়ের সিদ্ধান্ত ঘোষণা দেন তার বর্তমান প্রেস সেক্রেটারি আবুল কালাম আজাদ। এটাই নিয়ম, এটাই পদ্ধতি। সেদিনও এমন নিয়ম, পদ্ধতি ছিল।
March 22, 2011
While giving the verdict on the legality of the punishment of Colonel Taher, the high-court bench of Justices Shamsuddin Chowdhury Manik and Zakir Hossain declared that the whole trial process was illegal and it was in fact a cold blooded murder of Taher by Late president Ziaur Rahman.
What high-court did to come to this conclusion? They interviewed one shoddy journalist character Lawrence lifshultz, who is a political follower of Taher’s communist doctrine. Other interviewed are also 1. Political opponents of Ziaur Rahman’s political platform 2. Supporters of ruling party who took it as their prime job to destroy Zia’s image 3. Political followers of Colonel Taher. Even the judges who delivered the justice, are publicly known nemesis of Ziaur Rahman’s ideology and are former leaders of socialist political platform based on Taher’s doctrine. And this is probably the first court proceeding in Bangladesh history where an witness could simply deliver his opinion via e mail to a third person. There was no ‘balai’ of oath taking, cross examination etc.
Before we go further into what these two judges did and what their judgment means, lets see what Taher in fact did back in early 70s.
1. Taher revolted against the then Awami League government of Sheikh Mijibur Rahman and formed and led an armed force called ” Gonobahinee”. Thousands and thousands of Awami League activists, leaders as well as general people were killed by the armed force. Any literature describing Mujib era Bangladesh will give testimony of the atrocities of Taher’s Gonobahinee.
2. While all other sector commanders were being promoted in the army as Brigadier/ Major General and who in turn helped rebuild the army, Taher was sacked from Bangladesh army by Mujib Government. ( It is unclear what Shamsuddin Chowdhury Manik had to say about this cold blooded sacking of ‘war hero’ Taher).
3. Many sources, well informed of the political military dynamics of 1975, say that it was Taher who was more likely to kill Mujib and there was an invisible race among Taher’s group and Faruq Rashids group in who would kill Mujib first. After hearing of the massacre of 15th August, most observers’ first suspicion was on Taher.
4. Taking the advantage of unstable situation of Bangladesh, Taher’s forces ( a select group of armed anti state forces including Taher’s brother Bahar) attacked Indian High Commission in Dhaka in an attempt to kill India’s high commissioner in Dhaka, Mr Samar Sen. Although Samar Sen survived with bullet wounds in his back, Police force guarding India’s high Commission shot and killed four members of Taher forces ( Including Taher brother Bahar).
September 30, 2010
Justice Khairul Haque, appointed Chief Justice, after superseding two senior Appellate division judges, took oath of office today. This blog will do some public service posts in introducing the readers who Justice Khairul Haque really is, what was his political philosophy, how he felt about our national political leaders and what he he thinks our nations’ political identity must be. To avoid being unfair to him and to remain within the context, we have decided to base our analysis solely on the verdicts he wrote. This posts will not be influenced by any other writing on Justice Haque.
Most contentious of his verdicts is his verdict on fifth amendment of Bangladesh constitution. Detail discussion about 5th amendment verdict took place in this and this superb posts by tacit.
So lets quote Justice Haque and try to understand him.
“We further enquired under what provision of the Constitution Justice
Sayem and Major General Ziaur Rahman B.U., PSC., amended the Constitution of
Bangladesh, from time to time, which Charls I or even Lord General Oliver Cromwell could not do without the Parliament.”
All along the fifth amendment verdict text and his later verdict on declaration of war, Mr Justice Khairul Haque has been very unfairly harsh on founder of main opposition party ( The party that ruled Bangladesh longest since independence) late President Ziaur Rahman. tacit discusses Justice Khairul haque’s pathological hatred of Ziaur Rahman in this illuminating post. It is very unsettling to see that nation’s chief justice refuses to accept Ziaur Rahman ( The man who and whose party generally commands support of nearly 40% of the population) as a president or a political leader of Bangladesh. Throughout the verdict, he calls late President Ziaur Rahman as Major General Ziaur rahman B.U. Psc. This was Zia’s rank as of 15th August 1975. Since then President Zia’s rank was promoted to Lt General and when he died, he died as the elected President of Bangladesh.Even in government documents included in 5th Amendment verdict, Ziaur Rahman was addressed as Lt General. But Mr Khairul Haque ignores all these and keeps him referring to as Major general Ziaur Rahman and always mentioned him as an Army commander, never as a politician, let alone national or even political leader.
“…when we specifically asked him to show us any Constitutional or legal provision in justification of the seizure of State – Power of the Republic , he ( The Attorney General) was without any answer although he mumbled from time to time about the Fourth Amendment.”
The harsh, hateful rhetoric Mr Justice Haque resorted to in his verdicts are appalling. Unlike the current day trend, when Attorney General keeps the whole Judiciary under constant suppression, this above treatment of the Attorney General took place in BNP rule. Seeing the culture of these days, it is difficult to imagine how he could deliver such a scathing series of comments against BNP’s founder and treat the BNP’s AG so rudely under BNP rule.
May 30, 2009
I hear… of your recent saying that both the Army and the Government needed a Dictator. Only those generals who gain success can set up military dictatorships. What I now ask of you is military success, and I will risk the dictatorship.”
– Abraham Lincoln, message to General Joseph Hooker, Army of the Potomac
May 30 is the 28th anniversary of President Ziaur Rahman’s death. It came approximately 10 years and 2 months after he gave a radio announcement, from Chittagong, declaring the Independence of Bangladesh on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, then in the custody of the Pakistani Army.
During our Independence War, he was Sector Commander over much of today’s Chittagong Division, and commander of Bangladesh Army’s ‘Z” brigade. At the end of the war, with Pakistani forces crumbling before the assault of joint Indo-Bangladeshi forces and surrendering on 16 December 1971, he was awarded the Bir Uttom.
At the onset of independence, Zia became one of the senior-most officers of the Bangladesh Army. His performance during the nine-month war and his radio announcement at the onset of the war marked him as different from his fellow officers. He was made Brigade Commander of Comilla, close to where his force had done most of the fighting during the war.
The Government brought him to Dhaka in June 1972 and made him Deputy Chief of Staff, under Major General Shafiullah, who commanded the “S” Brigade during the Independence War. It is as Deputy CoS that he moved into the 6 Shahid Moinul Road residence, where he would live the rest of his life. It is from this post that he observed the imposition of one-party dictatorship in Bangladesh when Sheikh Mujib, by a constitutional amendment, made Bangladesh a one-party state, banned all other political parties, all but four newspapers, and named himself President.
After the brutal assassination of Sheikh Mujib and most of the members of his family by a group of army officers, Zia was elevated to Chief of Staff but placed under Major General Khalilur Rahman, who was made Chief of Defense Staff. The regime, after killing Mujib’s four most-trusted political lieutenants, heroes in their own right, planned to send Zia abroad, as it sent Shafiullah. However, before that could transpire, the murderers were toppled by a counter-coup led by Brig. Khaled Musharraf, Chief of General Staff, one the most valiant leaders in our Independence War. Zia was placed under house-arrest. He was then freed by a counter-counter-coup by Col. (rt) Abu Taher, fellow Sector Commander, and leader of the banned Jatiyo Samajtrantik Dal (National Socialist Party). The counter-coup also tragically resulted in Brig. Mosharraf’s death.
Shafiullah, Zia, Mosharrah, and Taher were all awarded the Bir Uttom, the highest gallantry decoration awarded to living participants. Under normal circumstances, they should, by all right, have been able to look forward to long careers in our defense forces, promotions to command rank, and eventual retirement with the whole-hearted blessings of a grateful nation. Instead, Shafiullah was abroad, Mosharraf was dead, and Taher advoced a left-leaning revolutionary state. With the adoption of one-party statehood by the Parliament, the Awami League, until then Bangladesh’s pre-eminent political party, had also been disbanded. Zia found himself with no credible political establishment to hand over power to, a faction-ridden armed forces that was more dangerous to Bangladeshis than to foreign enemies, and an economy on the brink of collapse.
His subsequent actions, becoming Chief Martial Law Administrator, founding BNP (Bangladesh Nationalist Party), introducing multi-party democracy, allowing the publication of newspapers, holding parliamentary elections (in which Awami League became the largest opposition party in parliament), trying to revitalize the country’s industrial sector, and adopting a muscular foreign policy, were the attempts of an imperfect man to try and make the best of an imperfect situation. He survived eighteen coup attempts, before being killed by the nineteenth one, in his beloved Chittagong, the scene of his life’s greatest hour, where he had come to resolve inter-party factions in his young BNP. Bangladehis from all walks of life poured into his funeral prayer service, making it the single largest such gathering in Bangladesh’s history.
I can not know, but I imagine he must have been a little tired by the end of his life. If the last thought that flashed through his mind was his young widow and the two little boys he left behind; maybe, after death, he found the peace he had been denied in life. The generation which should have together led Bangladesh, together turn old and hale and watched their children grow up in a free country as free men and women, and in the twilight of their lives accepted our accolades as Bangladesh’s greatest generation, had together torn each other apart. His would be the last life to be lost in that decade-long bloodbath, but by the sacrifice of his own life, he would bring the killing to an end; all subsequent transfers of power in our country would be bloodless, if not voluntary.
Testimony is paid to Zia, throughout the year, by Awami League leaders who slander and villify him every chance they get. They try to tear down the man who allowed them to re-form, and graciously accepted their leader’s return from exile in India. His statues are broken down, and bridges leading to his memorial in Dhaka, beside the National Parliament, are mysteriously removed under the cover of night. All debates about the fate of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, his great predecessor, inevitably contain someone viciously belittling him.
Yet, the idea of Zia remains. Our only head of state to have actively fought the Pakistanis in a field of battle, today he sleeps the well-deserved sleep of those who have fought the good fight. It remains to us to do our best in the imperfect world he left for us.
March 29, 2008
Hero of 1971 war, General Jacob just visited Bangladesh. He was leading an entourage of several Indian senior military leaders of 1971. They attended our Independence Day parade and visited liberation war museum and other points of interest.
General Jacob’s played one of the most crucial roles in the six day india Pakistan war of 1971 that ensued at the climax of our independence struggle. For that reason he always held a very high place in my heart. But the very considerate and careful remarks this 90 year old gentleman made during his conversations with some journalists in Dhaka has elevated his stature 100 fold in my mind. His statement that ‘it was mostly the freedom fighters and the East Bengal regiment soldiers who made Bangladesh independent’; is very generous, considerate and important.
In my opinion; the branding India enjoys these days, that India is a tolerant, secular, pluralistic society; is the contribution of General Jacobs generation. General Jacob, himself a minority Jew, was an embodiment of the religious harmony and inclusiveness of Indian society. His heart was in right place when in 1971 he fought his way to Dhaka to help a nation gain freedom from repression.
But unfortunately the spirit of the nonagenarian or octogenarian generation is rapidly fading from the horizon of Indian society. India is now more of a self centered generation which relishes nationalistic pride in Virendra Shehwag’s triple century cricket batting, a generation of Hironmoy Karlekar who makes a career out of Bangladesh bashing, or a generation of trigger happy BSF soldiers shooting Bangladeshis on a daily basis. This is the generation where more youngsters hate Mahatma Gandhi than revere him. This is a generation to whom it is must to hate pakistan, it is a norm to ignore Bangladesh or Sri Lanka and Bhutan, Sikim, Nepal are the countries to make fun of.
It is extremely important that not only Bangladesh, but also India herself honor General Jacob and his generation by embracing the spirit of a tolerant, inclusive and pluralistic society again.
Long live General Jacob. Your war is not over yet.
February 14, 2008
These days, on February 14, Valentines Day is celebrated in Bangladesh with great fanfare. The students and teen/ post teen generation as well as the older ones use their energy; ingenuity in doing thing to convince their loved ones.
Exactly 25 years ago on the 14 the February, I was about to finish my high school in Dhaka. I had no clue what Valentine day was. Then during the rest of student life in colleges throughout the 80s, I still did not know or do much with Valentines Day.
However 14th February remained a special day for us, the students and young people in the 80s. When the military establishment illegally captured state power on 24th March 1982, on this day, 14 the February the following year i.e. 1983, students lodged a large scale protest against the military occupation of governance. Five students – Zafar, Dipali Saha, Jainal, Mozammel and Ayub – were killed in the police firing, leading to the formation of Chhatra Sangram Parishad (students’ action council), the first politically organised platform against the military junta. The following year, on the same day during a student procession marking the event, the military rulers ran a truck on the peaceful procession instantly crushing Selim and Delwar to death.
Over the next six years, many more lives were lost. We invoked the names of Dipali Shaha, Mozamel, Selim, Delwar millions of times. Students were followed by trade unions followed by professionals and they gloriously defied the military rule. Politicians joined hands and later the civil service stepped in. Military had no options but to surrender and retreat back to the cantonment.
With restoration of democracy, along with many other things, we also forgot those who shed their lives for the democracy. And we badly mangled up militarycracy with a person Ershad. Ten years after fall of Ershad, he came back with a significantly limited capacity of a small political party leader. This time his power was not the military establishment. Ironically the people of his region were his principle force.
It is not clear whether it was done intentionally or mistakenly; Ershad’s minimal importance in Bangladesh politics was blown out of proportion and was shown as the ultimate failure of the revolution of December 1990 and of democracy. Those cliques, who have been vocal in making the story of Ershad’s joining of different political fronts as the major blunder of Bangladesh democracy and ultimate reversal of 1990 revolution, did intentionally hide the facts that Ershad in 2007 represented regional people power, not the military establishment. And when the ideological difference is minor, changing sides is not so unusual in democracy.
Not too long after media uproar over Ershad drama, stage was set for full blown military takeover and on 1/11/2007, military establishment regained crown they lost on December 1990. In 1982, the facade was Ershad, this time it was Fakhruddin and a bunch of retired bureaucrats and technocrats.
Unlike last military establishment, this new generation of military establishment is much smarter. This time the word martial law has never been pronounced, although the country faced worst kind of steam roller since its inception. This time no single character was allowed to turn into a villain. The main facade Fakhruddin worked hard to keep showing his political and administrative impotence; once a while if some advisor got out of control they have been instantly kicked out. And unlike 1982, this new generation won’t bother shooting at students. They will rather assassinate the mind, not the body. This government has excelled in picking up top tier political leaders, businessmen, intellectuals, teachers, students, journalists—torture them to inflict the worst possible emotional trauma and physical pain.
And during this 14 th February, nobody will recall Zafar, Ayub, Selim and others. Thanks to media promotion, young people and students will wear special dresses, draw graffiti on the face and celebrate beginning of Falgun or Poush or the Valentines Day. Although certain entity in Bangladesh think themselves as the great upholders of our historical accuracy and glory, history of peoples’ war against military establishment in 80s did never gain the elite status like that of 71 or 52 history. And surely some very strong quarter do not want our young generation to know about the sacrifices of these seven or those 24 in Chittagong or Zehad or Nur Hossain or Milon or many more. And probably that’s why Channel I etc will rather observe Pohela Falgun or Valentine day than remember Shahid Selim, delwar, Dipali Shaha, Zafar, Mozammel, Ayub or Joynal.
November 24, 2007
When in 1952 the students of Dhaka university took to streets in demand of announcing Bengali as the state language, defied rule 144 and was fired upon, the leader of pakistan was Khawaja Nazimuddin of Dhaka Nabab Bari. And clearly his ordered the police shooting that killed Rafiq, Jabbar, Shafiur, Salam, Barkat and 9 year old Ohiullah. Khawaja Nazimuddin took over the governorship of Pakistan after the sudden death of Mr M A Zinnah and became the prime minister after assasination of Liakat Ali Khan. Even after the killing of 21 st february when there was strong pressure/emotion both from the east and the west side of the country to announce Bangla as the state language, Khawaja Nazimuddin refused to yield to any pressure to recognize Bangla. And he did not let it happen as long as he was the prime minister. Later Mohammad Ali Bogra of Bogra Nabab Bari, after becaming prime minister, did take the steps to recognize Bangla as the state language. (more…)
November 4, 2007
We all know of the activities of Major (Retd.) Hafizuddin Ahmed during the recent midnight coup attempt in BNP. Most of us, however, do not remember the activities of Major Hafizuddin during another attempted midnight coup 32 years ago. Although he now denies any involvement in the 3rd November counter coup that installed the 3 day Khaled Mosharraf led chaotic government, Major Hafiz was in fact instrumental in 3rd November counter coup.
The 3rd Nov coup started with withdrawl of Bengal regiment soldiers guarding Bangabhaban. Major Hafiz and Captain Iqbal (Later Ershad’s minister) did this job. Major Hafiz was then a brigade Major and assistant to 46 independent infantry brigade commander Col Shafaet Jamil. Being Col Shafaet Jamil’s close associate, he was one of the planners of the coup. Along with Khaled Mosharraf, Shafaet Jamil, Brig Rouf, Col Nuruzzaman and Sq leader Liakat, he was also a crucial leader of the coup. And when the events started unfolding, 4th Bengal soldiers were surrounded Bangabhaban, Major Hafiz himself planned and ordered the house arrest of the then Army chief Maj Gen Ziaur Rahman. He was commanding the soldiers and junior officers guarding house arrested Zia. As an immediate past PS of Zia, he probably didn’t have the face to go in front of Zia. Even at the standard of that time, it was a treachery to plot coup against the general you were PS to. He rather sent Capt Hafizullah. When the coup ended on the eve of 7th November, very unfortunately Khaled Mosharraf was killed by Col Taher’s soldiers. Along with Khaled, officers like Col Huda and Col Haider, who had no involvement in planning this coup, also got killed. The major players like Col Shafaet Jamil and Major Hafizuddin escaped untouched. Although Hafiz was the only officer present at 46th Brig HQ at that time, rather mobilizing loyal forces to save the lives of Khaled Mosharraf, Col Huda and Haider, who were detained at 10 Bengal regiment, he simply deserted his coup comrades and escaped to safety.
(more…)
In the Middle of Nowhere 
