Sheikh Hasina

BNP has made a mistake! BNP has missed the election train! Khaleda Zia must repent now! I keep hearing version of this argument from various quarters, including individuals in whom I have a great deal of faith and who judgment I regard as sound.

What would have happened if BNP would have participated, and hypothetically, won the election? Would Sheikh Hasina have handed over power to Khaleda Zia and meekly left Gono Bhaban? “I can tell you that Sheikh Hasina will not hand over power. It can only happen over our dead bodies.”  Was Mr. Wazed speaking only in the context of coups, or was it a general statement, encompassing all foreseeable future possibilities? Bangladesh is the country of double standards. That the horrific and murderous attacks on our Hindu communities happened while Awami League is in power, following an Awami League “victory”, with Sheikh Hasina herself handling the Home Ministry, is still somehow all evidence of BNP-JI’s diabolical nature. If the hypothetical victory had actually happened, we would immediately have seen an outcry, and a plausible excuse not to hand over power to BNP.

Thirty-seven years ago, the bedroom of another residence in Dhanmondi also became flooded with blood. It congealed, and streamed down the stairs, and seeped into our collective nightmare. Possibly, it affected Sheikh Hasina more than any other person in the world. It is against that background that this comment is utterly inexplicable.

Our public figures say things, and we talk amongst ourselves and debate and argue and fight over them. But sometimes, there arises a comment that is so extreme in its heartlessness, so callow in its apathy, that there is nothing to say. We can only watch, and endure. And hope that some honorable person is shielding little Megh very caringly from the outside world.

Anandabazar, September 22, 2011:

Mamata Banerjee Has Doubts About Teesta Treaty

Wall Street Journal, September 22, 2011:

Sheikh Hasina Confident About Teesta Treaty

It is always sad when a government with an overwhelming majority like the present Awami League government loses its way. Unfortunately, a host of recent developments all point to that direction. One theme that all these events have in common is that they represent attacks on free speech and political expression, something that should be sacrosanct in all democratic societies.

The most glaring demonstration of this trend has been evinced by the behavior of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who, in her speech in the last session of Parliament, accused the members of parliament of her own parties of “arming her enemies”, by criticizing some members of her cabinet, specifically Communications Minister Syed Abul Hossain. Emboldened by this, Awami League General Secretary and LGRD Minister Syed Ashraful Islam accused the media of “creating the ground for Hasina’s death.” Of course, once the two most important leaders of the ruling party expressed their disdain of dissent in media so openly, other Awami League leaders wasted no time in springing into action. Supporters of Shipping Minister Shahjahan Khan, who has faced a lot of flak for suggesting the unqualified drivers be given long-distance driving permits, have seized bundles of newspapers, and set them to fire. A peaceful human chain organized by BNP to protest the crumbling state of infrastructure was attacked and broken up by Awami League activists. To cap it all, Hasina herself, in a cabinet meeting, instructed intelligence agencies to investigate the organizers of a peaceful rally held in the Shahid Minar on Eid Day.

Unfortunately, the government has made our judicial system an indispensable tool in its all-out war against free speech. Some of the developments are petty: like a sedition case being filed against a cleric for criticizing the government during the weekly sermon. Others are more serious, like Sheershanews editor Ekramul Haq being put in police remand (code for torture) multiple times for writing about corruption charges against certain members of the cabinet, specifically State Minister for Environment Hasan Mahmud. The use of the judiciary to achieve partisan ends only promises to heat up further after the High Court convenes on October 9th after its vacation. BNP acting Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir and Standing Committee member Moudud Ahmed have already been summoned to answer charges of contempt of court. If that goes well, the field is already being prepared to embroil Khaleda Zia in the same contempt charges.

Unfortunately, these tendencies were in full display during the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Bangladesh, which added Article 7A stating that both to “subvert the confidence, belief or reliance of the citizens to this Constitution or any of its article” or to take any action that “abets or instigates… approves, condones, supports or ratifies” this subversion is sedition, and is to be punishable by death. Just to put this matter into perspective, given that this blogpost is fairly critical of Article 7A of the Constitution, I have just committed sedition. If a reader reads this post and approves, she has also committed sedition. Moreover, if someone then forwards this link (I know, highly unlikely) to a friend by email, that’s sedition too.

We are all going to drown in a sea of sedition.

When finalizing this Amendment, Hasina said in the House that she had acted thus to ensure ““empowerment of people, and their democratic and voting rights.” Perhaps, she had in mind, the provision that said that several parts of the Constitution, including one which titled her father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as Father of the Nation, could not be altered or amended in the future. Although, it seems like depriving future generations of the power to change the document that will affect their lives in such important ways is the express opposite of empowerment.

However, Hasina is not in good company. In the United States, home of the world’s most famous constitution, there has only been, in the country’s entire two hundred years plus history, only a single proposed amendment that sought to place any topic beyond any further debate or amendment, and it was the infamous Corwin Amendment. In this proposed amendment, in a last-ditch effort to avoid the Civil War, it was proposed that subject of slavery would not be open to any future amendments, effectively meaning that no future government could outlaw slavery. As we know, the Civil War was fought, and an alternative amendment, now known as the Thirteenth Amendment, was incorporated to outlaw slavery.

Hasina and her party love to glorify the role of Awami League in the 1971 War of Liberation. Unfortunately, it has been overwhelmingly documented by Dr. Badiul Alam Majumbad of SUJON (not a big fan of BNP), that the inspiration for this Fifteenth Amendment comes directly from the Pakistani Constitution. Around the world, there are have been two prominent laws passed in the last year that punish people for saying something. One was passed in Saudi Arabia, and it mandates jail sentences for anyone who criticizes the King of Saudi Arabia. The other was in Israel, which criminalized “calling for the boycott of Israel.”

This is not good company for Bangladesh to keep. As the current government finds itself increasingly unpopular, the risk remains that it will use these new laws to further crack down on dissent and opposing political parties. Which will be a sad ending for a government that held out so much promise.

Former Deputy Attorney General M U Ahmed died today under police custody in a city hospital. On August 11, 2011, at the order of high court judges Shamsuddin Chowdhury Manik and Gobinda Thakur, he was arrested and tortured by police until he suffered from a massive myocardial Infarction.

It is evident that everybody living in side Bangladesh is afraid of calling a spade a spade. An environment of fear, extreme fear has been created by these two thuggish judges in Bangladesh. Last in their list of atrocities in the murder of ex Deputy Attorney General Advocate M U Ahmed. This is plain simple muder commited at the beheast of two blindly partisan judges by a brutal murderous police force of Awami League government.

How is it that Syed Abul Hossain has not resigned, asks the widow of late Mishuk Munier. I think we know the answer.

Source: Daily Star.

PM stymies Abul’s critics
Takes a swipe at media
February 8, 2011

The prime minister yesterday saved the communications minister from censure of ruling alliance lawmakers over the minister’s letter to the premier against Tofail Ahmed for his recent criticism of the ministry’s performance.

During yesterday’s parliamentary session, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina suddenly took the floor and spoke on the issue in an apparent effort to rein in the attack. While doing so, she also criticised a section of newspapers for, what she claimed, publishing “fake” reports to “malign” dignitaries.

She said she had never seen MPs criticising the press for such reporting. “You should also look for the remedy to this practice,” she said.

Deputy Speaker Col (retd) Shawkat Ali, who was presiding over the sitting, contributed to the premier’s effort by preventing lawmakers from speaking on the content of the letter which annoyed many MPs.

Rashed Khan Menon, chief of Workers Party, a component of AL-led ruling alliance, raised the letter issue and launched a blistering criticism against Communications Minister Syed Abul Hossain accusing him of breaching MPs’ constitutional privileges and immunities by sending the complaint to the premier.

The communications ministry had sent the letter to the premier in response to AL lawmaker Tofail Ahmed’s speech in the House last Thursday on the sorry state of roads across the country and delay in some major projects. Lawmakers appreciated Tofail’s speech on that day by thumping desks.

The communications minister later sent the letter to the prime minister highlighting the activities of the ministry and also criticised Tofail for his remarks.

Citing the content of the letter, Menon said it maligned Tofail saying that he (Tofail) made the remarks on the performance of the ministry out of rage and jealously.

Sheikh Hasina, also the leader of the House, then took floor and made a brief statement defending the communications minister.

She said the minister, not the secretary, had sent her the letter. In there the minister gave a synopsis of the ministry’s activities.

“Now the question is how the letter had reached the press before it reached me?” she asked.

After the premier, Tofail Ahmed, Suranjit Sengupta, Abdul Matin Khasru, Hasanul Haq Inu, Mayenuddin Khan Badal, Fazle Rabbi Mia, Abdul Mannan took floor and tried to speak on the issue raised by Menon.

But the deputy speaker did not allow them to do so saying, “The matter has been disposed of after the premier’s speech and I also gave a ruling on it. Please don’t speak further on it.”

If you are one of the few people who haven’t seen the pictures, see them here.

First we heard that Faruq was bad-mouthing the police.

Then we heard that he was assaulting the police.

A Member of Parliament is brutalized in front of the Parliament building, and yet the Speaker won’t let opposition MPs speak on this issue.

And today, our honorable Prime Minister told us he was vandalizing vehicles.

Lies, lies, and lies. How can there be normal politics in a country when one side is led by a habitual liar?

We all understand and expect political spin. But not lies.

And, we need to make a law that no members of political parties or student political organizations, whether JCD, BCL, ICS, or others, can join BCS, police, army, or any other government service. They cannot work as government teachers, doctors, or lawyers.

We need to start looking for solutions to the underlying structural problems. Outrage and indignation can only take us so far.

Read newspaper columns by our intellectuals, and you’ll see a common refrain: we Bangladeshis don’t learn from history. We forget our past. We don’t honour our heroes. And so on. Yet, the events of the last four years or so seem to show rather the opposite. We do learn from history; we do so greedily.

Consider the coup on 1/11 by Moeen U. Ahmed. Coup? What coup? There was no general issuing proclamations, no military council ruling by fiat: we had a nice elderly gentleman of Princeton pedigree. He spoke good English, quoted the right Tagore phrases, and seemed on the verge of turning Bangladesh into Plato’s Republic, when the philosopher-kings of yore would again hold sway. Where we would not be troubled with partisan, nasty, narrow politics. The nation would unite behind our own Mahathir, Lee Kuan Yew, you name it.

If still not convinced, turn to our current Prime Minister, Her Excellency Sheikh Hasina. Does anyone realize that Hasina is now the senior statesman of SAARC, and probably the most accomplished head of state for at least five or six hundred miles in all direction? Poor Manmohan Singh has never won an election in his life;  he is the Indian equivalent of Bangladesh’s MPs from reserved seats (a comparison apt in many ways). Pakistan’s troubles are only matched by Zardari’s foolishness. Rajapaksa is guilty of genocide. Karzai… no, Hasina towers above them all.

And she, too, has learned her lessons. A lesson from 2001, about how the most trusted individuals can become confused if left without adult supervision. A lesson reinforced in 2007, as boot-lickers turned into back-breakers. Maybe a second lesson from 2001, about history would have been different if she had gone ahead with her gut instincts and called for early elections, before the Four-Party Alliance had coalesced. And, finally, a lesson from 1975: if only H. T. Imam had thought to call BKSAL something else, like Bengali Democracy. Sounds so much nicer. 

Indeed, who will object to the mighty Sheikh Hasina, Leader of the House with a majority of 303 seats out of 345? Indira was India, এক নেতা had his এক দেশ, where is the catchy slogan that does justice to Hasina? Backed by an army that has turned pro-India with a vengeance to stay relevant in this post-9/11 world, a business sector that would love to see some continuity instead of the hassle of having to figure out whom to pay homage to every five years, and a judiciary which is more partisan than many, many leaders of the ruling party, she strides the land like a behemoth.

In the end of the day, only her own inner demons trouble her. She knows she is alone; the weasely cowards who crowd around her and dare speak of the spirit of 1971 did not come to her father’s help in 1975, just as they surely would not come to her own aid if something happened tomorrow. But this time, nothing will happen; the fairy tale will not turn into a blood-soaked nightmare. The ending will be happy. 

How dare those wretched countrymen of hers let her father die like that? There must be collective punishment: she would make her own father everyone’s father; patricide, after all, is more grievous than mere regicide. Hanging the men who physically killed her father was not enough, she will finish his unfinished business. Two thousand years ago, another leader had asked, why so much fuss around the word “king?” After all, it was just a word. If his countrymen did not like it, he could replace it with something innocuous, like his last name, Caesar.

Similarly, BKSAL is just a word. A word that the curs used to darken the image of her saintly father. Why would Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, with a majority of his own of 293 out of 300, need of more power? Yet, that did not stop his move for the actual liberation of the people of Bangladesh as being portrayed as dictatorship and tyranny. Well, his daughter will prove the point once and for all. If it is just a word that the people of Bangladesh object to, then she will give it to them, only without that word this time. They’ll take it, and they’ll like it, and they’ll thank her for it. And finally, the inner demons will quiet their howlings. 

And there will be peace, inside and outside. Everywhere.

Responding to the strike that a tiresome group of people called for no reason, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina asks: who is better patriot and protector of the country’s interests than me?

Who indeed? Surely none. Yet, we offer up a few answers.

We could go on and on. Hasina also revealed that her party lost the 2001 election despite getting more votes because of their strident guardianship of our national intersts. And not because they only got 62 out of 300 seats.

A leader and an educator. Much like Marcus Aurelius.

Major General (rt) Tarique Ahmed Siddique is an Advisor to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, with rank of cabinet minister. (For those interested, he is the brother of Dr. Shafiq Siddique, who is married to Sheikh Rehana, Sheikh Hasina’s sister.) He held an extraordinary press conference in the Prime Minister’s Office yesterday, where he said:

1. There is currently an ongoing international conspiracy to disband RAB.

2. The United States has a similar force to RAB, called Homeland Security.

3. Limon was involved with criminals.

4. All those writing about Limon are involved in the conspiracy to disband RAB.

5. A certain newspaper editor is at the forefront of the campaign to ban RAB.

6. This newspaper editor was involved with the 21st August grenade attack on Sheikh Hasina.

7. This editor is probably a supporter of terrorists and militants.

8. The government has enough evidence linking him to these attacks so that they could arrest him right now if they so wished.

9. However, the government shall refrain because it does not want to harass journalists.

So, where to start? In case there is any confusion, the editor in question is Prothom Alo’s Matiur Rahman. Allegations that he was involved in the 21 August grenade attacks against Sheikh Hasina had so far been limited to the realms of nutty conspiracy theories. They were propagated primarily by Kaler Kontho, a rival vernacular, and mouthpiece of the Bashundhara corporate group (Prothom Alo and Daily Star are owned by Transcom). In fact, merely a month ago, Matiur Rahman had won a decision in the Press Council that found such allegation to be without any supporting facts and issued a warning to Kaler Kontho.

Major General (rt) Siddique ran the military intelligence outfit, DGFI, and the force that guards the PM, SSF, during the last Hasina government. This term, he functions as Bangladesh’s de facto Defense Minister. Given that he has confirmed what Kaler Kontho has been saying all along, will the Press Council now apologize to Abed Khan and Kaler Kontho? Interestingly, both Prothom Alo and Daily Star have completely blacked out the story so far. I assume lots of emergency meetings are being held at CA Bhaban right now.

As a sidenote, Homeland Security is not a military or para-military force, it’s government department in the United States government, somewhat akin to our Home Ministry. Although in a country where the chief justice goes around saying safety of the state is the supreme law, nothing really shocks any more, but it would still be nice if blatant ignorance was the exception rather than the rule.

The last BNP government passed the 14th Amendment on May 16, 2004. One of the provisions of the amendment was to raise the retirement age of our Supreme Court judges to sixty-seven from sixty-five. The move was commonly eviscerated as an attempt to influence the identity of the individual who would be the next Chief Adviser of the Caretaker Government when BNP left office. From Awami League’s own website:

On principles, nobody has got any reservation in enhancing the retirement age of the Supreme Court Judges…
This amendment has got direct bearing on formation of the next Care-Taker Govt. as per Article 58A of the Constitution…
Whatever may be the timing of holding the parliamentary election, it is now clear that the next Care-Taker Govt. would be Headed by the last retired Chief Justice of Bangladesh Justice K.M. Hasan. The burning question is whether it is at all possible to hold a peaceful, fair and impartial election by a Caretaker Govt. headed by Justice K. M. Hasan.

As the above makes clear, Awami League vehemently objected to the notion that the government was doing something to influence who would be the next Chief Adviser of Bangladesh. So vehement was Awami League’s opposition, that it launched the infamous logi-boith movement, that eventually led to two years of emergency rule. Supporters of Awami League went into intellectual paraoxysms to justify how influencing the identity of the chief adviser was such a grave sin that it would call the entire fairness of the election in question and no fair elections would be possible.

Awami League justified their decision to launch violent protests several times citing the persona of Chief Justice Hasan: “Awami League’s main demand is that Justice KM Hasan should not be made Chief Advisor of the caretaker government,” “the main bone of contention was the choice of the head of the caretaker authority to supervise the election,” “no blue print election under the BNP-Jamat alliance with Justice K M Hasan as the Chief Adviser of the Caretaker government,” “The AL does not want Justice K M Hasan to head the non-party administration.”

Writing on the tumultous day of October 28, 2006, Mahfuz Anam had this to say:

The fact that Awami League, the biggest opposition party, questions his neutrality has been known to us ever since he became the choice of caretaker chief. However, by itself, the AL’s claim did not cut much ice with us. Whatever partisan leanings there were back in the 80s, Justice Hasan’s subsequent role as a high court judge and later as the chief justice have revealed him to be a man of sufficient integrity and professionalism to be acceptable to all. Several lawyers and former judges that we have spoken to reinforce our view that he is sufficiently capable of carrying out his task as the chief of the caretaker government with fairness and competence. We also consider the controversy surrounding his latest visit to a mazar in Comilla to be highly exaggerated and blown out of proportion. Therefore, we repeat, by itself the argument of partisanship does not impress us…
However, it is the constitutional legitimacy of Justice Hasan’s position, in other words the way he became the choice to be the caretaker chief that, in our view, greatly weakens his moral authority to be the next caretaker chief…
The fact that he became the choice to be the caretaker chief because of a special constitutional amendment, in May 2004, extending the retirement age of judges from 65 to 67, naturally weakens his position.

There you have it. The decades of public service and unimpeachable behavior of a former chief justice of Bangladesh was not deemed strong enough to withstand the suspicion that he may become the chief advisor through the machinations of the government. The fact that a constitutional amendment (that, among other things, raised the number of women in our parliament, and also raised the retirement age of the Comptroller and Auditor General and members of the Public Service Commission) had the incidental effect of making him the next chief adviser was deemed sufficiently fatal to his prospects.

Fast forward to 2011. Chief Justice Khairul Haque’s reign of constitutional terror comes to an end on May 17. His replacement would normally be the next-senior justice, Justice Shah Abu Naim Monimur Rahman (appointed to the High Court by Chief Justice Habibur Rahman’s caretaker government, elevated to the Appellate Division by Fakhruddin Ahmed’s caretaker government). Instead, Awami League violates seniority and appoints Justice Muzammel Hossain as chief justice (our sincerest congratulations to him, and to Barrister Motahar). The sole motive of this violation of judicial seniority is to ensure that Chief Justice Khairul Huq becomes the next chief adviser of Bangladesh. Moreover, this violation in judicial seniority comes on the back of an earlier violation when Justice Khairul Haque was appointed chief justice by superseding two other justices senior to him. And an earlier move when the size of our Appellate Division was expanded from seven to eleven, all to expedite the promotion of Khairul Haque to the Appellate Division.

For all those who supported Awami League’s admittedly violent excesses during 2006, and its support of a de facto martial government on January 11, 2007, what should be done now? Or is it fine as long as Awami League is the beneficiary?

Indeed, a very bad precedent you are creating Dear prime Minister Hasina.

It started with the arrest of an elected Dhaka City Ward Commissioner ( Councilor) Mr Chowdhury Alam.

Removal of Chowdhury Alam was very important to ruling Awami League Government’s political strategy. Mr Chowdhury Alam, as elected representative from Dhaka’s city center area, was the key field level organizer of all the city center rallies/ programs of opposition of BNP. Awami League takes opposition activities very seriously. They simply don’t want opposition to exist or act in any form. Departure of Mr. Alam came as a big debacle for opposition BNP as Mr. Alam was their key figure in it’s efforts to organize street agitation in Dhaka.

It has been nearly a year Mr. Alam went missing. Nobody accounted for his whereabouts.

In this list of missing under the current regime, Chowdhury Alam definitely was not the only name. The list became long quickly within first two years of this regime.

Last name in this list is the son of an opposition political figure. A rightwing orthodox islamic political leader and a Madrassa principle, Mr Fazlul Haque Amini had been protesting, peacefully, against the new fuggy inheritance policy of the government. A nationwide strike was organized last week and rallies are taking place on regular interval. Government’s top leadership reflected the whole issue personally on Amini. Statements made by the the prime Minister as well as other senior ministers were clear indication of the level of discomfort this government is experiencing in Handling this Amini trouble.

So not sure how to handle Amini, as any direct crackdown on Amini led madrassa based politics may be perceived as attack on political Islam by rural Bangladeshis, this prime Minister seemed to have taken the Chowdhury Alam route. Like Chowdhury Alam, the news broke as an arrest of Fazlul Haque Amini’s son Abul Hasanat by plain clothed policemen. Multiple news outlets carried this news.

And exactly like Chowdhury Alam case, since his abduction, Mr Abul Hasnath remained unaccounted for. Except for denying that he was arrested, there has not been any statement from any corner of the government regarding this incident. There has not been any visible action by law enforcement agencies to solve the problem by rescuing the abducted person. Mr. Amini, the father of the victim, has been complaining that he is regularly been threatened from the mobile phone belonging to his son. Bangladesh law enforcement agencies has the capabilities to track the phone records and locate from where the calls are made. Using this system, they solve most of the crimes these days. The silence from government quarters about the abduction, Prime Minister Hasina’s continued verbal attack on Amini ( Her last statement about Amini was that Khaleda Zia let Amini loose on the government), absolute absence of any action by law enforcement men to rescue or at least trace the abducted — should be enough evidence to suspect government’s hand behind the abduction of Amini’s son.

The government must understand that denying the abduction does not let them off the hook. It is the responsibility of the government to protect the safety of it’s citizen. A man suddenly can be whisked away in broad daylight from mains street Dhaka and Government will not have any say in it — this cannot happen in a civilized society.

Abducted and missing opposition activists and their families have been the historical hallmark of all the fascist governments in history. We don’t want to believe that our country is heading the fascist way. But the series of events, starting from Dr Yunus saga to the abduction of the son of Fazlul Haque Amini force us to fear about impending fascism.

When the lionization of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the first priority of this government, one would expect that the stock of Kader Siddiqui, one of the few men who took up arms after the 1975 massacre, would be very high. Unfortunately, Siddiqui broke with Sheikh Hasins during the last Awami Lwague government. On 1 March, 2011, our Anti-Corruption Commission filed a case against him for amassing illegal wealth. About three weeks afterwards, Kader Siddiqui responded by saying that Ziaur Rahman was indeed the person who declared Bangladesh’s independence, while Sheikh Majib was the Father of the Nation and the indisputed leader of the Liberation War. As expected, this caused a lot of consternation in pro-government circles. On the eve of our Independence Day, he responded to his critics. Some excerpts are given below; the full article is here.

On Khandakar Delwar Hossain and the Change in Our Political Climate:
দুইদিন আগেও যারা তার কত নাহক সমালোচনা করেছেন, কত অপমান অপদস্ত করেছেন তারাই যখন তার মরদেহে ফুলমালা দিলেন, শতকণ্ঠে প্রশংসা করলেন, তখন আমার অন্তর আত্মা কেঁপে কেঁপে উঠছিল। ভাবছিলাম নেতৃবৃন্দের কোন কথা সত্য? ফুলমালা দেওয়ার পর শতমুখে প্রশংসা, না মৃত্যুর আগের দিনগুলোতে হাজার কণ্ঠে নিন্দা-অযৌক্তিক সমালোচনা? তবে আমার খুবই ভালো লেগেছে মরদেহের পাশে আওয়ামী লীগ সাধারণ সম্পাদক সৈয়দ আশরাফুল ইসলামের সভ্য ভাষণ। তার বাবা সৈয়দ নজরুল ইসলামের সঙ্গে খোন্দকার দেলোয়ার রাজনীতি করেছেন। তারপরও কেন যেন দুঃখ হয়, তার জীবিতকালে চিফ হুইপ থাকতে সংসদের টাকা নিয়ে বাড়িতে বাজার করেছেন, চিকিৎসার জন্য তহবিল তছরুপ করেছেন। এসব অভিযোগ না আনলে কি হতো না? কেন জানি না আমরা রাজনীতিবিদরাই রাজনীতিবিদদের প্রধান শত্রু। তাদের বড় বেশি অপমান-অপদস্ত করি। এক আমলা আরেক আমলাকে রক্ষা করতে কত চেষ্টাই না করে। কিন্তু এক রাজনীতিবিদ আরেক রাজনীতিবিদকে সব সময় খতম করতে চায়। অনেক মিথ্যা অভিযোগে বিরোধী রাজনীতিকদের জেলে পাঠিয়ে কি হেনস্থাই না করা হয়। অথচ স্বাধীনতার পর খান এ সবুর খান যখন বঙ্গবন্ধুকে চিঠি দিয়েছিলেন ‘ভাই মজিবর, তুমি দেশ স্বাধীন করেছ, আজ তুমি প্রধানমন্ত্রী। আমরা না হয় ভুলই করেছি। তাই বুড়ো বয়সে জেলে থাকবো?’ চিঠি পাওয়ার তিন-চার দিনের মধ্যে খান এ সবুর খানকে নিঃশর্ত মুক্তি দিয়েছিলেন। শাহ আজিজুর রহমান, তিনি যখন জেলে ওবায়দুর রহমান ও আমাকে দিয়ে শাহ আজিজের বাড়ির ভাড়া পাঠাতেন। সালাউদ্দিন কাদের চৌধুরীর বাবা ফজলুল কাদের চৌধুরী যখন জেলে ছিলেন তখন তার বাড়ি থেকে খাবার পাঠাতে কোনো দিন কোনো বাধা হয়নি। আলাউদ্দিন মতিন, হক-তোয়াহা সাহেবরা যখন পালিয়ে থাকতেন তাদেরও গোপনে টাকা পাঠাতেন। ধীরে ধীরে আজ কোথায় গেল সেসব রাজনৈতিক সহমর্মিতা। খোন্দকার দেলোয়ার হোসেনের মৃত্যুর পর এত প্রশংসা যারা করলেন, তারা তার জীবিতকালে অমন সীমাহীন জঘন্য সমালোচনা না করলেই কি পারতেন না? আজ যারা গলা ফাটিয়ে কথা বলেন তারা কিন্তু ওয়ান-ইলেভেনের জরুরি অবস্থার সময় ইঁদুরের গর্তে লুকিয়ে ছিলেন। সেদিন এই খোন্দকার দেলোয়ারই একজন নির্ভীক রাজনীতিবিদের মতো সিংহের তেজে মাঠে ময়দানে ছিলেন। তার নিজের দল বিএনপিতেও তিনি কম অপমানিত-লাঞ্ছিত হননি।

On Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Ziaur Rahman:
আমি মনে করি, বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিব মানে বাংলাদেশ, বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিব মানে স্বাধীনতা। তিনি স্বাধীনতার ঘোষক নন, স্বাধীনতার জনক। এখানে দোষের কি হলো? সেদিন বঙ্গবন্ধুর পক্ষে অনেকেই স্বাধীনতার ঘোষণা দিয়েছেন। জিয়াউর রহমানও দিয়েছেন। সামরিক ব্যক্তি ছিলেন বলে জিয়াউর রহমানের কণ্ঠে স্বাধীনতার আহ্বান মানুষকে অনেক বেশি উজ্জীবিত করেছে। এটাই সত্য। আমি তো জিয়াউর রহমানকে চিনতামও না, তার ঘোষণায় যুদ্ধেও যাইনি। অনেক আগে থেকেই যুদ্ধ প্রক্রিয়ায় জড়িত ছিলাম। কিন্তু সেদিন জিয়াউর রহমানের ঘোষণায় কমবেশি আমিও উজ্জীবিত হয়েছিলাম। শুধু আমি কেন, আমাদের অনেক বড় নেতাও সে সময় খুশি হয়েছিলেন। তানাহলে কলকাতার বালিগঞ্জের স্বাধীন বাংলা বেতার কেন্দ্র থেকে কেন জিয়াউর রহমানের ঘোষণা পুরো মুক্তিযুদ্ধের সময় নিয়মিতভাবে প্রচার করা হতো। এমআর আখতার মুকুলের কণ্ঠে চরমপত্রে কাদেরিয়া বাহিনীর গাবুর মাইর আর জিয়াউর রহমানের কণ্ঠে ‘I Major Zia do hear by declare independence of Bangladesh on behalf of our great national leader Bangobandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman প্রতিদিন কেন বাজানো হতো। জিয়াউর রহমানের সেই ঘোষণা ‘our great national leader’ না বলে শুধু বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান বা বঙ্গবন্ধু বললে কিংবা শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান বললে কোনো ক্ষতি হতো না। অশুদ্ধ হতো না। কিন্তু সেদিন বঙ্গবন্ধুর উচ্চতা কতখানি ছিল তার সেদিনের সেই হাইট বুঝা যায় জিয়াউর রহমানের কণ্ঠে Our great national leader বলায়। এখানে গ্রেট না বলে শুধু ন্যাশনাল বললে বাক্যের কোনো ক্ষতি হতো না। কিন্তু সত্যিকার অর্থে সে সময় বঙ্গবন্ধু যা ছিলেন জিয়াউর রহমান তাই বলেছেন। কোনো কমবেশি করেননি। করার উপায়ও ছিল না। যারা এখনো স্বাধীনতাকে স্বীকার করতে চান না তাদের কাউকেও যদি ওই সময় বেতার কেন্দ্রে নিয়ে যাওয়া হতো তাহলে তিনিও জিয়াউর রহমানের মতো একই কথা বলতেন। একসময় নবাব সিরাজ উদদৌলা তার ভাঁড় গোলাম হোসেনকে বলেছিলেন, ‘তুমি মনে করো নবাবের বান্দা যা বুঝে আমি নবাব হয়ে তাও বুঝি না? কিন্তু কি করবো গোলাম হোসেন? কোনো উপায় নেই, উপায় নেই গোলাম হোসেন।’ সত্যিকার অর্থে আজ যে যাই বলুক, ‘৭১-এ বঙ্গবন্ধুকে ছাড়া আমাদের কারোরই কিছু বলার বা করার উপায় ছিল না।জিয়াউর রহমানের ঘোষণা কেন স্বাধীন বাংলা বেতার কেন্দ্র থেকে মুক্তিযুদ্ধের সময় প্রচার করা হতো? জিয়াউর রহমানের তো স্বাধীন বাংলা বেতার কেন্দ্রের উপর কোনো প্রভাব বা নিয়ন্ত্রণ ছিল না। বেতার কেন্দ্রটি ছিল সরকারের নিয়ন্ত্রণে। আর সেটা পরিচালনা করতেন আমাদের টাঙ্গাইলের জননেতা আব্দুল মান্নান এমএনএ। স্বাধীনতার ঘোষক নিয়ে আমি তো এত মাতামাতির কোনো কারণ দেখি না। জিয়াউর রহমানের ঘোষণার রেকর্ড সবতো আর মুছে ফেলা যায়নি, এখনো তা রয়েছে। বাজিয়ে শুনুন না। তাতেই প্রমাণ হয়ে যাবে। আমি তাকে ঘোষক বললেই জিয়াউর রহমান ঘোষক হবেন, আমি না বললে হবেন না_ তা কি করে হয়? দেশের জনকের পক্ষে বা বঙ্গবন্ধুর পক্ষে জিয়াউর রহমানের কণ্ঠে একটা ঘোষণা যে উচ্চারিত হয়েছিল যা বারবার প্রচার হয়েছে তা কালের সাক্ষী হয়ে আমিও শুনেছি। সেটা চোখ কান বন্ধ করে অস্বীকার করি কি করে? আজ কোনো স্বার্থের কারণে অস্বীকার করলে পরম প্রভু দয়ালু আল্লাহ তো আমাকে ক্ষমা করবে না

On the current government:

কেন ক্ষমা চাইতে হবে? মুক্তিযুদ্ধ করে বড় বেশি অন্যায় করে ফেলেছি? স্বাধীনতার সঙ্গে সঙ্গে জনকের পায়ের কাছে সব অস্ত্র জমা দিয়ে ভুল করেছি? বঙ্গবন্ধুর লাশ যখন ধানমন্ডি ৩২-এর বাড়ির সিঁড়িতে পড়েছিল, তখন জীবন-যৌবন বিসর্জন দিয়ে মা-বাবা, ভাই-বোনের কথা চিন্তা না করে তাদের বন্দুকের নলের মুখে ফেলে সেই হত্যার প্রতিবাদ করে ১৬ বছর নির্বাসনে থেকে এখনো বেঁচে থেকে কি খুব অপরাধ করেছি? মাফ চাইতে বলছেন। আমার নামে অভিযোগটা কি? জাতির সামনে অভিযোগ আনেন। জাতি বিচার করুক তখন দেখা যাবে কাদের মাফ চাইতে হয়। বঙ্গবন্ধুর চামড়া দিয়ে যারা ডুগডুগি বাজাতে চেয়েছে, জুতা বানাতে চেয়েছে, বঙ্গবন্ধুকে যারা ফেরাউন বলেছে, যারা খুনি মোস্তাকের মুখ্য সচিব ছিল তাদের বগলতলে নিয়ে অত বড় বড় কথা শোভা পায় না। আমি অবশ্যই বলেছি বঙ্গবন্ধু কখনো স্বাধীনতার ঘোষক নন। তার স্বাধীনতা ঘোষণা দেওয়ার কোনো প্রয়োজনই ছিল না। তার অনেক ঘোষক ছিল। আমরা থাকতে তার কি দরকার ছিল? আজ রাষ্ট্রের কর্তৃত্ব কার দ্বারা নিয়ন্ত্রিত হয়? সরকার প্রধান মাননীয় প্রধানমন্ত্রীর কর্তৃত্ব ও নেতৃত্বে রাষ্ট্রপতির নামে পরিচালিত হয়। মাননীয় প্রধানমন্ত্রীর প্রায় সব কয়টি কেবিনেট মিটিংয়ের সিদ্ধান্ত ঘোষণা দেন তার বর্তমান প্রেস সেক্রেটারি আবুল কালাম আজাদ। এটাই নিয়ম, এটাই পদ্ধতি। সেদিনও এমন নিয়ম, পদ্ধতি ছিল।

Updated (January 21, 2011): Robert O. Blake Jr., Assistant Secretary of State, Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs: “The investigation into the Nobel prize-winning Grameen Bank, however, has raised concerns. Secretary Clinton has urged the government to maintain its democratic values and ensure its investigation is impartial and balanced.” Please compare this with government press release regarding Hillary’s call.

Dr. Yunus and Hillary Clinton

Photo: Daily Star

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina yesterday. Since the only press release regarding this call has come from the Prime Minister’s Office, they understandably did not mention it, but Hillary was calling with only one message: “Don’t mess with Dr. Yunus.”

The phone call was not an isolated event. US Ambassador James Moriarty had also delivered the same message a few days ago. And just in time. The Government has annouced that it has formed a committee to investigate Grameen. It is headed by DU’s Prof. Monowar Uddin Ahmed, who has had a famously difficult relationship with Dr. Yunus. As everyone knows, once a committee is formed, you’re one step away from the death squads.

As an additional channel of attack, the Government has also started harassing Dr. Yunus through the courts. Obviously, the good doctor thought that op-eds in the New York Times are well and good, but Secretary Clinton speaks a language that our Premiere understands clearly. And with his first court appearance due Januarry 18, clearly the phone call was timed with some thought.

I have mixed feelings about this. I don’t like the government hounding Dr. Yunus. However, I also don’t like foreigners telling our Prime Minister what she should or shouldn’t do. Hasina took office with incredible support from Western governments; why she would choose to start a vendetta with the one person in Bangladesh with even better foreign support than herself is still beyond me.

There is plenty of schadenfreude going around with the l’affaire Yunus.  For most, it’s the crab mentality that Rumi  joked about.  For me, it was the prospect of seeing the susheel types of Prothom Alo / Daily Star (and their next generation epitomised by the folks at Unheard Voice) having to choose between the ‘champion of democracy’ and the good professor.  When Hasina calls Khaleda names, no one cares.  When Hasina calls Yunus names, these folks become uncomfortable.  I mean, think about the embarrassment of having to tell the champion of democracy to tone things down a bit.

Take the recent Daily Star article by Prof Rehman Sobhan, reposted here.  Professor sahib writes over 2,000 words, lot’s of dhanai panai  nuanced analysis, with some light words strong admonishment:

The no less pertinent issue which has emerged from this incident is the extraordinary reaction in some sections of the media and society. Rather than first seeking clarification and response from Grameen Bank as to the validity of the TV programme, some sections of the media and society pounced on it with unseemly enthusiasm, using it as an opportunity to cite wrongdoing in a widely respected organisation.

Say what?  Some sections of the media and society?  Who are these sections of the media and society?  Is the Professor too embarrassed to tell us that the section of the media that ‘pounced with unseemly unthusiasm’ is owned by Salman F Rahman?  Is he unaware of this man’s connections with the Awami League?  Does he not know how this man has benefitted from the government of din bodol

Maybe Prof Sobhan doesn’t know about those.  But surely he knows that his dear Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina too pounced with unseemly enthusiasm, unless he thinks calling the country’s only Nobel winner a leech is fit for a Prime Minister.

So, was Prof Sobhan embarrassed?  Or was he afraid of crossing the Prime Minister?  And if Prof Sobhan was afraid, then I won’t embarrass the UV bloggers for being gutless in their criticism of the current power dispensation.  After all, jaan bachano faraz.

Embarrassed or afraid, I do feel like gloating at the plight of the susheels, senior and junior.  Karma is a bitch.

The eviction of Khaleda Zia from her residence of 38 years has forced pro-Awami League media personnel to display a particularly riveting form of bipolar disorder. With exceptions such as Abdul Gaffar Chowdhury, most of these reporters/columnists/commentators have had to acknowledge that evicting a former prime minister forcibly from her residence, while her case is pending in the Supreme Court, is just not done. On the other hand, they can’t really come out and condemn Sheikh Hasina for these actions either; that sort of negates the utility of being a pro-Awami League media person. Thus, the bipolar disorder. Condemn eviction, but… bring up the cancellation of the house allotted to Sheikh Rehana by her sister, Sheikh Hasina, or somehow turn this about Sheikh Mujib’s murder, or, if everything else fails, blame Lord Clive.

Zafar Sobhan adds an interesting twist to this approach. His take is – yes, Khaleda Zia has been evicted, but… she’s not dead yet, and BNP is just a “mafia” while Awami League is an actual political party. So, whatever.

Mr. Sobhan is an extremely capable media personality. He is one of the individuals described here whose views about Bangladesh shape how the world media sees us. Such drivel should be beneath him. That it’s not, is a good sign of where our politics stands right now.

How does one deal with the claim that the party that has administered Bangladesh for ten of the last twenty years, and at the nadir of its popularity, still commands the allegiance of one in three Bangladeshis, is a mafia? Not that particular leaders of BNP have indulged in criminal actions in the past. Not that its student or youth wings contain criminal elements. But that the entire outfit is a criminal organization?

In a sense, it’s an extremely simple solution to a pressing problem. A problem that is growing more pressing by the day in Bangladesh. Normally, when the party in power fails, the opposition is given a mandate. But what does one do when there exists a sizable group of individuals who have staked their careers and professional reputations on the premise that the opposition will never, ever come to power again? And when the party in power, which was supposed to govern uninterrupted till 2021, has seen such precipitous drops in its popularity that it doesn’t even dare hold an election to elect the capital’s mayor?

Apparently, one labels the opposition the “mafia.” Because, you know, they’re criminals. And not just any criminals, but a particular group of state-designated criminals. They type of designated criminals who don’t have rights.

Here is the money quote from Mr. Sobhan’s article:

Two senior AL leaders were separately assassinated, and another 24 party members were killed in a grenade attack that came within seconds of wiping out the entire party leadership. For all the troubles it faces, the BNP leadership has not had to fear assassination.

What he leaves out, of course, that both the assassination of senior AL leaders, presumably Ahsanullah Master and SAMS Kibria, were prosecuted during BNP’s tenure and those involved were convicted and sent to jail, again during BNP’s tenure. Convictions that the current government has not revisited or appealed in a higher court.

And what about the 21st August grenade blast? Almost two years after this government’s ascension to power, it is still busy taking time from the courts to prolong its investigation, no doubt to implicate as many BNP leaders in this case as possible.

And finally, when responsible individuals like Mr. Sobhan make absurd accusations about whether BNP is a mafia, it makes us wonder whether journalistic ethics is sleeping with the fishes. His description of the events involving Ziaur Rahman’s home, where his wife slept, where his sons played with their toys, makes us wish that the law enforcement individuals who evicted Khaleda Zia had left their guns and taken the cannolis. Of course, when one’s being evicted facing a loaded gun, what’s the difference? While Mr. Sobhan needs the BNP so that he can point at them and say that’s the bad guy, we all have to ask, is this the end of Rico? We fear that our esteemed friend may end up, like a lot of other AL supporters, sobbing, broken-hearted, in a Havana cafe and saying, “You broke my heart. You broke my heart.”  Perhaps the Appellate Division will make BNP an offer they can’t refuse, but we fear a lot of people are soon going to be saying hello to the Police’s (and RAB’s) little friend.

All jokes (and forced analogies) aside, it doesn’t take too much imagination to think of Khaleda Zia as the broken Don Corleone, while her heir recovers in the Sicilian countryside (London). The problem for Mr. Sobhan is I’m sure he remembers, as we all do, how that one played out.

It’s hard to know what the Awami League government was thinking when they decided to evict Khaleda Zia from her home. However, it did not go completely as Sheikh Hasina had planned. Khaleda Zia’s televised press conference affected almost everyone. As Syed Abul Maqsud put it in a column aptly titled “The Government’s Truth:

স্বেচ্ছায় বাড়ি ছাড়ার দৃশ্যটি দেখে অন্তত কিছু মানুষ তাদের জীবনের সর্বোচ্চ সুখ উপভোগ করেছে। কয়েক কোটি মানুষ হয়তো মনে মনে বলছে, বেশ হয়েছে। তবে আট-দশ কোটি মানুষের মনের অবস্থা আমাদের মতো অ-মনোবিজ্ঞানীর পক্ষে জানা সম্ভব নয়। তাদের মনোভাব জানা যাবে ২০১৩-র ডিসেম্বরে। (“The way in which the home was ‘voluntarily left’ has probably given some people the greatest happiness of their lives. Perhaps a few crores of our people thought to themselves: this isn’t too bad. What the rest eight or ten crores thought is unknown to non-psychologists like us. However, we shall find out in December 2013.”)

Syed Abul Maqsud’s political orientation is not unknown. When columnists of his stripe start talking about December 2013, one must realize that this is the most serious message they can deliver to the Awami League Government. They are politely reminding Sheikh Hasina: “এই দিন দিন না আরো দিন আছে

As Maqsud noted, the full extent of the reaction to this event shall not be known until well into the future. But the fact that there was a reaction was evident to everyone. Awami League had not expected this; they thought they what happened inside Jahangir Gate would, so to speak, stay inside Jahangir Gate. They even issued a press statement “thanking” Khaleda Zia forleaving voluntarily. However, once it became apparent that explaining away this action was going to be a bit more complicated than that, Awami League quickly set out to bring this reaction in their favor through a two-prong strategy.


Online poll for Today’s Daily Star Readers.

[ And by the way, people who read the Daily Star can be considered moderately pro AL people]

Yes, this is our Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s Bangladesh.  And this is the video footage …

I did not want to post this gruesome video in this blog. This video shows how an elected representative of people, a local government leader, Upazilla Chairman ( representing the people of one of total 460 Upazilla in Bangladesh), Mr Sanaullah Noor ( Nickname Babu), was chopped to death.

The event developed in this way. A mid-level opposition leader was supposed to visit the specific upazilla and this Upazilla Chairman, belonging to the opposition party, brought out a welcome procession with 15-20 of his supporters in the main thoroughfare of the Upazilla. Suddenly, in broad daylight, in front of thousands of onlookers and dozens of jurnalists, few dozens of activists of ruling party, armed with hatchets, axes, sticks, knives attacked the  procession led by Mr Noor. As the procession dispersed under attack the attackers converged on the leader, Mr. Noor. As shown in this video, the attackers kept on beating Mr Noor, even when he was down in the street, bleeding profusely and begging for life. Some of teh attackers took knives to cut the arteries at both arms and the tendons of both legs.

The group was led by Mr Zakir Hossain ( fade jeans, light shirt with a stick at hand), a leader of Awami League local chapter. At some point he is seen chasing a journalist attempting to take photos of the killing. nearly a dozen of journalists were brutally beaten during this event and some are still in hospital with grievous injuries.



A friend sends me the following email,

Today, Daily Star’s headline was how BNP MPs are drawing their monthly allowances even though they are not attending the Parliament. Prothom Alo led about “BNP’s military roots.” It opened with military officials having secret meetings with politicians at Khaleda Zia’s home, even though if you read the rest of the article, it quickly becomes clear that there’s nothing really newsworthy in the report.
So, here’s my theory about the Equation of Infamy (real and imagined). On one side of the equation is the horrible mess that AL is creating right now. To balance that, on the other wise, we will have media reports about grenade attacks, money laundering, BNP’s military roots, Ziaur Rahman’s dark sunglass, covert meetings with Daud Ibrahim, flight to Saudi Arabia with hundred suitcases, the horrors of the Fifth Amendment, and so on.

I have found absolute truth in the email. In addition I have one other trait of media treatment of Hasina Government II. If one looks at media reports very carefully, this is clearly visible that in every report in mainstream media on the rampant hooliganism by the ruling party activists, there is at least a feeble attempt to distance the PM.  Such example can be given on each major reporting on hooliganism, but if one focus on the latest one in Pabna, it will become clear. While the district administration was crying helplessly at the face of unleashing of terror by Pabna district AL leadership, the media were seen assuring the nation all was happening because the PM was out of the country  and once she listens to all these, everything will be fixed. Similarly, when one of PM’s closest and senior-most adviser declares (and a ministers seconds) that all new recruitment in government health sector jobs will only be taken from ruling party members, all criticisms were directed at the evil advisers harming the image of PM’s who can not resort to this sort low level thuggery.
However in both the cases it was the PM who herself puncture the inflated balloon of image the media created for her. While every reasonable people in the country, even some Awami League leaders like Obaidul Kader, Mahmudur Rahman Manna could not but criticize the Pabna incidence or Mudassar Ali statement, PM just came public supporting what Mudassar said ( কমিউনিটি হেলথ ক্লিনিকে দলীয় লোক নিয়োগ দেওয়া সম্পর্কে স্বাস্থ্য উপদেষ্টার এর আগে দেওয়া বক্তব্যকে তিনি সমর্থন জানান। তিনি বলেন, গত বিএনপি সরকার লুটপাট করে ১৮ হাজার হেলথ ক্লিনিকের প্রকল্প ধ্বংস করে দিয়েছিল। যাঁরা প্রকল্প ধ্বংস করেছে, তাঁদের হাতে কাজ দেওয়া নিরাপদ নয়। আওয়ামী লীগের লোকজনকে যোগ্যতার ভিত্তিতেই নিয়োগ দেওয়া হবে বলে তিনি উল্লেখ করেন। Source: Prothom Alo)  and came down hard on government officials who are the victims of ruling party activists onslaught (পাবনায় জেলা প্রশাসনে তৃতীয় শ্রেণীর কর্মচারী নিয়োগ পরীক্ষার দুটি কেন্দ্রে হামলা, ভাঙচুর এবং প্রশাসনের কর্মকর্তা ও পরীক্ষার্থীদের লাঞ্ছিত করার ঘটনা সম্পর্কে প্রধানমন্ত্রী শেখ হাসিনা বলেছেন, এক হাতে তো তালি বাজে না। ঘটনার তদন্ত চলছে। যাঁরা দায়ী তাঁদের বিরুদ্ধে ব্যবস্থা নেওয়া হবে। Source: Prothom Alo).
We see a tendency to blame  Chhatra league/ Jubo League for all mayhem. The fact is that lesson for political hooliganism comes from the top leadership. When top level decisions try to evict the opposition leader out of her house, when the PM and her cousins play jokes with the dead-body of the founder of the opposition party, when PM and her advisers openly politicize all government institutes including the Supreme court, the state Bank, the public university leadership, the police administration, the diplomatic missions— what one can expect from the lowly rural party cadres? Advising Chhatra league/ Jubo league to get better won’t be of use unless PM office itself corrects itself. Our PM herself made it clear that she is the prime minister for her party members, not for those who are not Awami League activists. Similarly her party activists took it for granted, anything of government, i. e. government job, government land, government work/ tender are ruling party property.
By punishing the local government officials who are victims of ruling party inflicted hooliganism, the prime Minister just reiterated her ten years old  ‘ একটার বদলে দশটা লাশ ‘ call to her party comrades. Ironically PM Hasina punished the government officials for crying out of helplessness  in front of ruling party hooliganism on the same week the same government enacted a whistle-blower act.  If crying out of helplessness costs half a dozen officils their jobs, what a whistle-blower will get in return of her/ his acts to expose injustices/ wrongdoings in the government.
One editor once said, প্রধানমন্ত্রী ছাত্রলীগকে সামলান.  I guess a more appropriate call from the citizens would be to God, আল্লা আমাদের প্রধানমন্ত্রী ও তার উপদেষ্টাদের সামলান.

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