Take from the altar of the ancients, not the ashes, but the fire. – Gustav Mahler
The verdict of the Appellate Division regarding the murder of President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and members of his family is an important milestone in our political and judicial history. The men accused of the murder went through our entire judicial system, from the District Court to the Appellate Division. Some of the individuals initially accused were acquitted. Those who were convicted had the chance to present all suitable defences, and were accorded all the rights which our state gives defendants in criminal prosecutions.
For all those individuals who were affected by the gruesome murders, one hopes that this comes as some salve to the personal wound that will undoubtedly haunt them the rest of their lives. The psychological trauma that comes from the assassination of loved ones, and the dislocation that comes from seeing our elders and guardians lying bloodied and lifeless, is unparalleled. We hope the pain that they carry around every day is a little lighter today.
As a result of the verdict today, at least five individuals will soon die. I hope their families will make peace with that, and be able to continue with normal and productive lives.
However, where justice ends, reflection begins.
Let’s think of sets, and Venn diagrams.
Think about the set of people who had responsibility for the 15th August massacre. Narrow that set to all individuals alive today. Are there only twelve people in that set?
Let’s narrow it still further. Let’s think about all the people against whom there exists tangible evidence regarding dereliction of duty or involvement in conspiracy. Are there only twelve people in that set?
Let’s narrow the set still further. Only include the people who were at Dhanmondi Road 32 that fateful night and morning, with weapons in their hand and murder in their heart. Have we gotten all of them?
Here’s the funny thing, just as there were people there that night and early morning who were not supposed to be there, there are a lot of people that morning who should have been there, but were not.
One think about police guards and the army units guarding the President. But where was the Rakkhi Bahini, the President’s hand-created paramilitary unit? Where were the leaders of Awami League? At least some of them had fought in the war four years past, they could have potentially held off the attackers until help arrived.
“Shafiullah, your units are attacking me.”
“Sir, I am seeing what to do. Can you leave your residence?”
A response worthy of all the commanders of the Army of Bengal who stood idle at Plassey.
“Tofael, send the Rakkhi Bahini.”
“We are under attack by Army tanks, sir.”
Only, it later turned out, the tank was disarmed, it did not have any shells in it.
In a sense, it is of lesser importance to pinpoint those who pumped all those bullets in Sheilh Mujib, Begum Mujib, and their family members. Army units started surrounding their home and taking positions to shell Dhanmondi from the evening of 14th August, at least twelve hours before the massacre. How could the entire machinery of the state remain inert for twelve hours? Consultation and conspiracy regarding this started at least months ago. Apparently Indian intelligence warned Sheikh Mujib of the attack. So did at least one civilian intelligence agency. Then Deputy Army Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Ziaur Rahman visited the President and warned him regarding grumblings of unrest in the Army.
Who then, were the individuals who negated all these warnings? The individuals who said, “Mujib Bhai, nothing will happen?”
Of course, whom would President Sheikh Mujib trust, a superseded officer such as Ziaur Rahman, who was never a part of the AL inner circle? Or Khandkar Mushtaque Ahmed, the “Ukil baba” in the marriages of both Sheikh Jamal and Sheikh Kamal?
Zia? Or Dalim, a close personal friend of the Sheikh family who could take personal grievances directly to the President?
Bangladesh started rejecting the perpetrators of the massacre soon after, as evidenced by the flight of the guilty to various countries within two months of the massacre. Make no mistake about it, history would have been different today if they had all stayed in Bangladesh. It is no accident that the most prominent of those convicted to death is Lt. Col. Syed Faruq Rehman, a former Presidential candidate in 1988 and former chief of Freedom Party. It is not a coincidence that he never fled Bangladesh, but instead chose to stay and attempt to shape Bangladesh’s political climate in his favor.
Part of the reason Sheikh Shaheb never paid heed to any warnings about uprising because he blinded himself to the most egregious fault in our collective nature. We love to over-exult when the times are good. However, when the chips are down, and it is time for action: we are hesitant, doubtful, and faltering. Today, Dhaka is full of people claiming that they have borne a burden in their heart for 34 years. In addition to being a grievous insult to those who have actually borne a burden for 34 years, it is also a lie. It is easy for people to stand in Bangladesh in 2009, with a ten-month AL government with a nine-tenth majority in the Parliament and Sheikh Mujib’s daughter as Prime Minister and his close associate as President, and claim that this is the single greatest moment in their lives. It was, likewise, extremely easy to tell the President of Bangladesh, and the dictator of our state (not in the sense we understand it, but in the actual sense of the word), that there was no way that a couple of army punks would dare to against Sheikh Mujib. And boy, if they did, they would soon see “koto dhane koto chaal.”
Except, when it really matters, action trumps words. And there was only one side in 15th August 1975 that took action. Something our current Prime Minister, and all future prime ministers, would do well to remember and internalize.
It is our nation’s sincerest hope that such a circumstance as 15th August 1975 never occurs again. That force never substitutes political discourse again. Let us go forward to better times.
November 19, 2009 at 2:29 pm
[...] Continue reading at In The Middle of Nowhere [...]
November 19, 2009 at 3:19 pm
And I started feeling civilized again…
I don’t know about Pakistani citizens in general, but as a Bangladeshi I had this awful nausea-poking shameful feeling for a long time, mainly due to two reasons. The first one is: recognizing the war-criminal Nizami as one of our ministers in Bangladeshi cabinet. I don’t blame any particular person or party for this blunder, since so many of us, left or right were part of this. But it has been a shame for all of the Bangladeshi people, since persons like Nizami perpetrated and abetted so many heinous crimes in 1971, including killing of children and rape of women.
The second one was not only introducing an indemnity bill to save, but rehabilitate with recognition and honor the self-confessed killers of Sheikh Mujib family, including a child and pregnant women. And the killings of the child and women were not any collateral damage, but done with cold brains.
Today, with the judgment for the case against the killers of Sheikh Mujib family, I started feeling civilized again.
November 19, 2009 at 5:30 pm
The darkest chapter in history has finally been addressed and redressed to some extent. I feel ashamed of myself as a Bengali when I hear human rights organisations and so-called civilized nations making a big issue out of the extra-judicial killings of terrorists, murderers and killers by RAB while remaining silent for 34 years on the most gruesome multiple murders perpetrated on August 15, 1975. It was the murder of the best son and founder of Bangladesh and his family and the father of the present prime minister Sheikh Hasina. The assassins over the years have freely moved around the world with impunity visiting countries like the US and Canada. Even today the terrorists and killers of Bangabandhu are sheltered in those countries.
It is time that so-called civilized nations and anti-terrorist organisations like the Homeland Security Department, the FBI, CIA, INTERPOL and others hand over these murderers to Bangladesh authorities as soon as possible for execution of the VERDICT OF THE CENTURY.
I am sure the US administration under OBAMA would no longer toe the line pursued by his predecessors to suppress facts and protect the killers.
November 19, 2009 at 6:59 pm
The key part of the post:
It is easy for people to stand in Bangladesh in 2009, with a ten-month AL government with a nine-tenth majority in the Parliament and Sheikh Mujib’s daughter as Prime Minister and his close associate as President, and claim that this is the single greatest moment in their lives. It was, likewise, extremely easy to tell the President of Bangladesh, and the dictator of our state (not in the sense we understand it, but in the actual sense of the word), that there was no way that a couple of army punks would dare to against Sheikh Mujib. And boy, if they did, they would soon see “koto dhane koto chaal.”
Except, when it really matters, action trumps words. And there was only one side in 15th August 1975 that took action. Something our current Prime Minister, and all future prime ministers, would do well to remember and internalize.
Rumi Bhai, lets HOPE and PRAY that “our current Prime Minister, and all future prime ministers, would do well to remember and internalize.”
Honestly, I am not seeing any sign yet that they do.
-Sharmin
November 19, 2009 at 7:45 pm
Those of you are fond of ‘Sheikh Shaheb’, let me tell this guy was a agitator and thug of th highest order. Mujib ordered the killing of Siraj Sikdar and in an apparent admission to the killing, Sheikh Mujib bragged on the parliament’s floor, “Kothay akhon Siraj Sikdar (Where is Siraj Sikdar now)………?”
Thousands of his political opponents disappeared during his rule. Sheikh had to be removed from power because he was a criminal and there was no legal recourse to remove him.
November 19, 2009 at 7:58 pm
Probably the most best thing I read/heard about the verdict all day. Thank you, Rumi bhai.
November 19, 2009 at 8:03 pm
Brave commentary on a day like this. Very brave. Of course, the entire point of the post is that cost of non-conformity in BD’s politics is too high. So don’t be surprised if the ironic thing happens: you get crucified for dissenting with the popular mood at the moment.
November 20, 2009 at 9:37 am
Rumi bhai,
Thanks for reinforcing these valid points. It is hard to believe the conversations between Sheikh Mujib and the chiefs of defense and para-milita force. I wonder what was he thinking when he got the negative response to his SOS call from his trusted ones!
While I admire your hint on bringing others into question, I am not convinced by the “Bangladesh rejecting the perpetrators” theory. I remember you took the latest army regime’s ambassador appointments as “gifts” to, not “exile” of the appointees.
Even though Col. Syed Faruq Rehman could shape Bangladesh’s political climate in his favor at all, I find it difficult why a country will make the self-proclaimed killers its country-representatives and how that appointments are “rejection” given the fact that—
- Ziaur Rahman dissolved the investigation commission for jail killing case on November 9, 1975;
- During Ziaur Rahman’s incumbency in 1979, The Indemnity Ordinance 1975 was ratified and made as Act by the Parliament to forbid the trial of the killings.
Even if we disregard the allegations by the self-proclaimed killers or by their lawyers who indicated that Ziaur Rahman silently supported their 15-August plan, the rejection theory really doesn’t make any sense.
November 20, 2009 at 4:56 pm
Sorry, I meant
Rumi bhaiTacit. I blame it on the new look and redirection of posts for thinking that the post was by Rumi bhai… apologies =)November 20, 2009 at 4:16 pm
Tacit, nice post. Some comments. Apologies for being long.
1. “Army units started surrounding their home and taking positions to shell Dhanmondi from the evening of 14th August, at least twelve hours before the massacre.”
I am pretty sure this is wrong. From all accounts, Rashid’s troops (infantrymen who actually surrounded the house) didn’t gather at Kurmitola until after midnight. And it doesn’t take 12 hours for tanks to roll down Mirpur Rd.
Slightly after midnight, there were unusual tank movements, and the army intelligence became aware of it. But there is no evidence of any assault on 32 Dhanmondi until well after midnight.
2. Lt. Col. Syed Faruq Rehman, a former Presidential candidate in 1988 and former chief of Freedom Party … . It is not a coincidence that he never fled Bangladesh…
This is not correct either. He was presidential candidate in 1986. But more importantly, he fled Bangladesh with everyone else on 4 Nov 1975. Unlike others, he returned in 1976 and tried to launch another coup from Bogra cantonment. And he (and his brother-in-law Rashid) never accepted a diplomatic post. They returned to Dhaka during Ershad’s martial law and formed Freedom Party.
Incidentally, these days we hear a lot about their 1976 interview with Anthony Mascarenhas where they say ‘Zia knew everything’. But in 1984, they published a book called ‘Muktir Pothe’ where they lay out their agenda (fascinating read btw — compulsory military training for everyone, trade with only Muslim countries, and nuclear power), but also lambast Zia as an Indian puppet and traitor and glorifies Khaled Mosharraf (Faruq’s mama) as the ‘true hero’ of the Liberation War. Of course we don’t hear about this because it is contrary to the dominant national sentiment.
3. Many people (including myself) believe the government did the best they could during the Pilkhana tragedy. Sure there were specific things that could have done better, but on the big picture issue of ‘to send in the troops’, many of us (though perhaps not the owners of this blog) agree with the government’s stance. Here is a question then to those who share my view on Pilkhana — why doesn’t the same logic apply to 15 August?
Imagine yourself to be Shafiullah, Zia, Khaled, Khalil, or any other senior officer. Early morning you hear tanks are at Dhanmondi and the president is under attack. At that time, you have no way of knowing the gruesome full extent of the massacre (just like in Pilkhana according to the dominant narrative). You are reasonably sure that by the time you send troops from Savar or Kurmitola, president will be dead and there will be a gun battle in Mirpur Rd. Why not wait for directives from the politicians? When Zia was informed, he said ‘If the president is dead, there is vice president. Uphold the constitution.’ (Source: Col Shafat Jamil — ally of Khaled Mosharraf and a fierce critic of Zia). Why is this not the right reaction?
Of course, this logic is presented by precisely those people (again, not necessarily the owners of this blog) who were for a military solution in Feb 2009.
If you were for a military solution in February 2009, then you should also be for one in August 1975. If you think in one situation, holding fire was the lesser of two bad choices, then the same logic applies in the other situation.
4. (From UV) Syeed, I disagree with Tacit’s rejection theory. However, if you accept the decision of not pursuing the case (for whatever reason), having these men under watch, but safely outside the country in some obscure place like Australia, makes good sense. It’s a common practice in Latin America that ousted coupmakers are sent in diplomatic missions. And it is one being practised by the current government — in case you didn’t know, Bangladesh is represented in Australia by one Lt Gen Masud Uddin Chowdhury, GOC of 9 Infantry on 11 Jan 2007.
November 20, 2009 at 6:55 pm
Syeed, I welcome your comments. Jyoti Bhai, I apologize about any and all factual inaccuracies. I had assumed that Syed Faruq Rehman participated in the 1988 election, because I assumed that Sheikh Hasina would never consent to become the Leader of the Opposition in Parliament while Ershad was elevating Syed Faruq to the de-facto leader of the opposition by making him a contender in the Presidential elections.
November 23, 2009 at 10:32 am
Dear Jyoti,
Don’t try to make too simplistic analogy between 25th Feb and 15th August. The question is not only about applying military solution ON THAT VERY DAY or not. Only a small group within the army committed the crime, but when the army chief shafiullah, deputy Zia, CGS Khaled Musharraf remained silent and then supported Mushtaq’s govt, the whole army got their hand soaked in blood.
Also the gruesome aspect of the murder became clear in a day or two. But the killers were intact for almost 2.5 month. So not knowing the actual picture logic doesn’t hold.
Lastly, the BDR killers are on the run since day 1. Contrast that with the bangabandhu killers made us all run for justice for the last 34 years. Diplomatic positions, Indemnity Ordinance, judicial tangles and ill motives always favoring the killers against those who were seeking for justice. Not a very good analogy I must say.
November 23, 2009 at 1:20 pm
One of these days, I hope to do a post in the line of “10 Weirdest Things Shahnoor Wahid has ever said.” Although it may be difficult to limit the post to just ten things. Let’s look at his latest editorial:
http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=115264
First, the factual inaccuracies: every religion does not have its Judas. The example should be fairly obvious. Brutus did not act alone to kill Julius Caesar; by some accounts, there were as many as sixty assassins.
The murder of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family only becomes genocide, as Shahnoor Wahid claims, if the victims comprise a racial and ethnic group by themselves. Is that what Shahnoor Wahid thinks, that Mujib was not a Bengali? That should be news to people.
The thing with having people like Shahnoor Wahid on your side is that there is always high likelihood of friendly fire. Otherwise, what explains bringing in the example of Tsar Nicholas II, Russia’s last emperor, and one of the most incompetent despots of the twentieth century? His official title was “Autocrat of All The Rusias,” for heaven’s sake.
Wahid ends with a rant against the “direct beneficiaries” of the killing. And how does he know they were direct involved in the killing? He does not say. Wahid is incensed that the “direct beneficiaries” never acknowledged that they gave “the orders or they were directly involved in the killing.” Ironically, Shahnoor Wahid himself never identifies these dastardly direct beneficiaries. Why not snatch away their mask, so that we can boo and hiss at them? Wahid does not say; we just have to hate the unnamed and unknown “direct beneficiaries” who will “prowl in the shadows, away from sunlight, like a Dracula.”
And he ends with some gleeful display of bloodlust. Hanging the killers is a mercy on our part. We are doing the killers a kindness by hanging them.
Maybe we should follow Amnesty’s advice, and not do the killers any kindness. I’m sure that would please Shahnoor Wahid to no end.
December 8, 2009 at 4:15 pm
@…………..You Should understand the Continuous events were happened from the early spark born of Bangladesh. Sheikh Mujib Ur rahaman doesn’t Create himself…..(Try to understand)Our Historical time make born of him…No body can avoid. He was a good leader
for bangle’s , we cannot avoid his political contribution which he putted from his student life before from the liberation war.Actually what he didn’t for this country ? That was really a great effort and putted a lesson for the future generation to love the mother land. But actually he was not appropriate for ruling the child Bangladesh.
The time was set him to control this….not he own self.Think who will be appropriate Chair Person For that time nobody was left without lest some person. But Mujib was the most one.
By the by,
History Made Him….
History Made him blind….
History Proved he was not appropriate…
History Killed him……
History Made the Judgment of his murder….
History Wants to give us lesson….
I thought There was no way without doing it for history…..